What is happening?
Two years ago, the much-debated idea of establishing a NATO Liaison Office in Tokyo did not materialize, mainly due to opposition from France. However, the underlying reasons that sparked the debate in the first place, primarily concerns about China, Russia, and North Korea, have not gone away, and so cooperation between Japan and NATO continues to deepen even without the liaison office.
Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, which followed shortly after the “no-limits friendship” declaration between Moscow and Beijing, Japan has dramatically increased its defense spending and sought closer ties with NATO and its member states. The most recent example is the “Atlantic Eagles” mission, during which four Japanese fighter jets (F-15Js), supported by two refueling aircraft, two transport planes, and 180 personnel, were deployed to the United States and then, for the first time, continued to Canada and Europe — specifically the United Kingdom and Germany.
What is the broader picture?
The mission took place from September 14 to October 1, with the aim of demonstrating the long-distance operational capabilities of Japan’s Air Self-Defense Force, showcasing NATO’s support for partner countries, and deepening cooperation. Japan’s Defense Minister Gen Nakatani described the mission as embodying the “shared recognition that the security of the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific regions is inseparable and interrelated.” He was referring, among other issues, to joint China–Russia naval exercises near Japanese waters, North Korean troops fighting in Ukraine, and China’s material support for Russia in its war against Ukraine.
The “Atlantic Eagles” mission is just the latest example of Tokyo’s increasingly proactive approach toward NATO. Earlier this year, Japan launched its first independent mission to NATO at the Alliance’s Brussels headquarters, to develop a more efficient partnership. In April, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte visited Japan and met with Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba to discuss ways to further enhance cooperation.
In the summer, the UK and Japan conducted joint naval exercises to improve interoperability and flexibility. Following the drills, elements of the UK’s Carrier Strike Group 25, led by the Prince of Wales aircraft carrier, docked in Japan between August 12 and September 2.
Japan’s cooperation with European countries, however, extends beyond military exercises. Tokyo and Brussels are preparing to launch the EU–Japan Defence Industry Dialogue, building on the existing EU–Japan security and defense agreement. This cooperation also includes ambitious defense industry projects such as the Global Combat Air Programme between Japan, the UK, and Italy to develop a sixth-generation fighter aircraft, and a Japan–France–Germany initiative to develop an electromagnetic railgun.
Why does it matter?
At a time when Washington is seeking to reduce its military presence abroad and US President Donald Trump’s administration remains relatively unpredictable, it is essential for Indo-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic democracies to develop security cooperation that is less dependent on the US.
The objectives of the activities described above are to strengthen deterrence against China and Russia, build new security partnerships, and signal readiness and resolve in the face of shared security challenges. This does not mean that Japan is calling for European “boots on the ground” in the event of a regional conflict. Rather, Tokyo seeks practical and mutually beneficial cooperation in areas such as cyber defense, space security, strategic communications, and defense-industrial collaboration.
Japan has also been active with partners in Southeast Asia, South Asia, and among the Pacific Island states through its One Cooperative Effort Among Nations (OCEAN) concept, which aims to promote and sustain a free and open Indo-Pacific. Under its Official Security Assistance (OSA) framework, Tokyo provides military capacity-building support to partner countries. In addition, Japan positions itself as a bridge between regional institutions such as ASEAN and strategic groupings such as the Quad.
Tokyo recognizes that to ensure its own national security, it must proactively contribute to regional stability and the reinforcement of a rules-based international order worldwide. And if deepening cooperation with NATO allies continues successfully, it could eventually reopen discussion on establishing a NATO Liaison Office in Tokyo, which would not only enhance Japanese public understanding of NATO but also broaden the Alliance’s perspective on the Indo-Pacific.