Photo: AI Generated
While Taiwan’s exclusion from Interpol is often treated as a diplomatic dispute, it should be understood as a security vulnerability. Increasingly, it reflects deeper gaps in global security coordination, institutional resilience, and democratic responses to transnational threats.
As transnational crime, cyber threats, financial crime, and authoritarian interference continue to expand across borders, Taiwan’s exclusion from international policing mechanisms creates practical vulnerabilities within the broader international security system. This concern has already been reflected in bipartisan policymaking in the United States. In 2015, the U.S. House of Representatives passed legislation supporting Taiwan’s participation in Interpol as an observer by a bipartisan vote of 392–0. The logic behind such support is fundamentally pragmatic rather than symbolic.
Taiwan is the world’s 22nd largest economy and a major transportation and trade hub in the Indo-Pacific. Its passport holders enjoy visa-free or visa-on-arrival access to more than 130 jurisdictions. Taiwan occupies a central position within Indo-Pacific flows of trade, technology, finance, and logistics. Excluding Taiwan from international law enforcement coordination, therefore creates what is effectively a “data island” inside the global policing architecture. In practical terms, this means limited access to real-time databases, wanted-person alerts, stolen travel document information, and secure police-to-police communication channels.
What is the broader picture?
The recent European experience shows why such gaps matter. In July 2025, Eurojust and Europol coordinated a major cross-border operation against the pro-Russian cybercrime network NoName057(16), which had launched DDoS attacks against critical infrastructure and public institutions during politically sensitive moments, including events linked to Ukraine, European elections, and NATO. The operation involved authorities across multiple European jurisdictions, the disruption of more than 100 servers, searches and seizures in several countries, and the issuance of international arrest warrants. The case illustrates that modern cyber-enabled threats require rapid judicial and operational coordination, cross-border evidence collection, and real-time law-enforcement information sharing. Taiwan’s exclusion from international policing mechanisms therefore creates not only a diplomatic anomaly but also a practical security gap within the wider democratic security network.
Yet the deeper concern lies beyond operational inefficiency. When Taiwan lacks equal participation within Interpol’s framework and review procedures, Beijing gains greater opportunities to shape narratives, restrict information flows, and exploit asymmetries within international legal cooperation systems. Particularly concerning is the potential politicization of mechanisms such as Interpol’s Red Notices. Democratic governments and human rights organizations have repeatedly warned that authoritarian regimes may misuse international legal instruments to target dissidents, activists, journalists, religious groups, business figures, and diasporic communities abroad.
This demonstrates that transnational repression is no longer confined to covert intelligence activities alone — it also operates through administrative systems, legal procedures, and institutional manipulation. In this sense, international legal cooperation mechanisms themselves are becoming contested spaces within broader geopolitical competition. Taiwan’s exclusion therefore, illustrates a broader challenge facing democratic governance systems: whether international institutions can remain functionally neutral when authoritarian states treat governance mechanisms themselves as instruments of strategic competition.
Despite its exclusion from Interpol, Taiwan has developed alternative forms of international law enforcement cooperation that provide important lessons in democratic resilience. Mechanisms such as Criminal Liaison Officers (CLOs) and Drug Liaison Officers (DLOs) have become central pillars of Taiwan’s transnational security strategy.
Compared to traditional bureaucratic channels, these liaison networks often provide greater speed, confidentiality, and operational flexibility. Through direct cooperation with agencies such as the FBI, DEA, and regional counterparts in Southeast Asia, Taiwan has established effective channels for combating cross-border fraud, narcotics trafficking, money laundering, cybercrime, firearms smuggling, and organized criminal activity. These networks are built not only upon formal agreements, but also upon long-term operational trust and reciprocal cooperation between practitioners.
Why does it matter?
At a time when authoritarian states are increasingly attempting to penetrate international institutions and reshape global governance norms, Taiwan’s experience highlights the importance of decentralized democratic cooperation. Functional participation, trusted liaison mechanisms, and operational interoperability may prove just as important as formal membership structures in defending the integrity of international security systems.
Such “parallel cooperation architectures” may become important as authoritarian states attempt to politicize international institutions and distort global security governance. Taiwan’s experience demonstrates that democratic resilience can also emerge through practical trust networks and operational partnerships among like-minded democracies.
Ultimately, the issue is not only whether Taiwan deserves inclusion based on fairness alone, but also whether democratic societies can afford the institutional vulnerabilities, informational blind spots, and security fragmentation created by Taiwan’s continued exclusion.
In an era defined by transnational threats and authoritarian influence operations, politically motivated exclusion from global security cooperation mechanisms does not merely affect Taiwan itself. Over time, such institutional blind spots may weaken coordination, trust, and operational coherence across broader democratic security networks.
Kai-Chieh (KJ) Hsu (許凱傑)
Kai-Chieh (KJ) Hsu is a judge in the National Security and Military Division of the Taipei District Court in Taiwan. He previously served as a visiting scholar at New York University School of Law and as a visiting fellow at the Global Taiwan Institute in Washington, D.C. His work focuses on national security law, lawfare, gray-zone risk governance, and the protection of critical technologies and patent strategy in the context of economic security. He has been invited to engage in domestic and international policy exchanges on these issues. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate in Management at National Taiwan University.