{"id":5018,"date":"2013-08-11T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2013-08-10T22:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/europeanvalues.cz\/proc-stagnuje-rusko-a-je-jeste-evropa-bezpecna\/"},"modified":"2021-12-16T12:26:41","modified_gmt":"2021-12-16T10:26:41","slug":"proc-stagnuje-rusko-a-je-jeste-evropa-bezpecna","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/europeanvalues.cz\/cs\/proc-stagnuje-rusko-a-je-jeste-evropa-bezpecna\/","title":{"rendered":"Pro\u010d stagnuje Rusko a je je\u0161t\u011b Evropa bezpe\u010dn\u00e1?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ka\u017edot\u00fddenn\u00ed v\u00fdb\u011br toho nejlep\u0161\u00edho, co vydaly hlavn\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 think-tanky nejen na t\u00e9ma evropsk\u00e9 integrace, je op\u011bt tu. Nab\u00eddka je velmi pestr\u00e1, a to od v\u00a0posledn\u00edch letech pochopiteln\u011b velmi akcentovan\u00e9 ekonomiky p\u0159es institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed r\u00e1mec a\u017e po ot\u00e1zky bezpe\u010dnosti. V\u00a0\u010cesku se pon\u011bkud kontroverzn\u00edmu t\u00e9matu v\u011bnuje \u010dl\u00e1nek o rovnopr\u00e1vnosti mu\u017e\u016f a \u017een v\u00a0pr\u00e1vn\u00edm syst\u00e9mu EU. Historick\u00e1 perspektiva p\u0159in\u00e1\u0161\u00ed mnoho v\u011bcn\u00fdch podn\u011bt\u016f pro debatu o t\u00e9to z\u00e1le\u017eitosti. Zd\u00e1nliv\u011b abstraktn\u00ed ot\u00e1zka subsidiarity v\u00a0Lisabonsk\u00e9 smlouv\u011b je t\u00e9matem studie, kter\u00e1 poukazuje na zv\u00fd\u0161en\u00e9 pravomoci n\u00e1rodn\u00edch i region\u00e1ln\u00edch parlament\u016f. A abychom se nesoust\u0159edili jen na Brusel, v\u00a0z\u00e1v\u011bru p\u0159in\u00e1\u0161\u00edme podn\u011btnou anal\u00fdzu vztahu Obama \u2013 Putin, kter\u00fd, jak se zd\u00e1, bohu\u017eel op\u011bt sklouz\u00e1v\u00e1 k\u00a0tradi\u010dn\u00edmu antagonismu.<\/p>\n

Re\u00e1ln\u00fd ekonomick\u00fd dopad evropsk\u00e9 dan\u011b z\u00a0finan\u010dn\u00edch transakc\u00ed<\/a><\/h1>\n

The Real Economic Impact of a European Financial Transaction Tax<\/em><\/h3>\n

Red Tape Watch!; New Direction \u2013 The Foundation for European Reform<\/h3>\n

Red Tape Watch (byrokratick\u00e1 hl\u00eddka) je s\u00e9rie studi\u00ed bruselsk\u00e9ho think-tanku New Direction zab\u00fdvaj\u00edc\u00ed se m\u011b\u0159en\u00edm re\u00e1ln\u00fdch dopad\u016f regulace Evropsk\u00e9 unie v\u00a0oblasti podnik\u00e1n\u00ed a ekonomiky. P\u0159edm\u011btem z\u00e1jmu je tentokr\u00e1t evropsk\u00e1 da\u0148 z\u00a0finan\u010dn\u00edch transakc\u00ed (FTT), kterou v\u00a0r\u00e1mci pos\u00edlen\u00e9 spolupr\u00e1ce p\u0159\u00ed\u0161t\u00ed rok zavede 11 \u010dlen\u016f euroz\u00f3ny. Jej\u00edm motivem je snaha o donucen\u00ed finan\u010dn\u00edho sektoru pod\u00edlet se na n\u00e1prav\u011b \u0161kod vznikl\u00fdch v\u00a0d\u016fsledku finan\u010dn\u00ed krize.<\/p>\n

Zat\u00edmco Evropsk\u00e1 komise po\u010d\u00edt\u00e1 s\u00a0t\u00edm, \u017ee da\u0148 vynese 34 mld. euro (cca 0,4 % HDP EU11) a na velmi optimistick\u00fdch p\u0159edpokladech vypracov\u00e1v\u00e1 pl\u00e1ny na jejich \u00fatratu, podle z\u00e1v\u011br\u016f nov\u00e9 studie by toto opat\u0159en\u00ed mohlo m\u00edt zna\u010dn\u011b negativn\u00ed vliv na zam\u011bstnanost, co\u017e Komise nebere v\u00a0potaz. Sn\u00ed\u017een\u00ed v\u00fdstupu finan\u010dn\u00edho sektoru spust\u00ed multiplika\u010dn\u00ed efekty, kter\u00e9 se projev\u00ed nap\u0159\u00ed\u010d evropsk\u00fdm hospod\u00e1\u0159stv\u00edm a mohou z\u00fa\u010dastn\u011bn\u00e9 st\u00e1ty p\u0159ipravit a\u017e o 576 tis\u00edc pracovn\u00edch m\u00edst, p\u0159edev\u0161\u00edm ve finan\u010dn\u00edm sektoru a dal\u0161\u00edch sektorech na n\u011bj nav\u00e1zan\u00fdch (pr\u00e1vn\u00ed a \u00fa\u010detn\u00ed poradenstv\u00ed, IT a dal\u0161\u00ed). Mimo z\u00fa\u010dastn\u011bn\u00e9 st\u00e1ty, zejm\u00e9na ve Spojen\u00e9m kr\u00e1lovstv\u00ed, by se mohlo jednat o dal\u0161\u00edch 65 tis\u00edc pracovn\u00edch m\u00edst.<\/p>\n

FTT je navr\u017eena tak, aby zna\u010dn\u011b ovlivnila strukturu finan\u010dn\u00edch slu\u017eeb, p\u0159i\u010dem\u017e aktivita na n\u011bkter\u00fdch trz\u00edch by mohla klesnout a\u017e o 75 %. Jestli\u017ee da\u0148 dopadne i na vl\u00e1dn\u00ed dluhopisy, zv\u00fd\u0161\u00ed se t\u00e9\u017e n\u00e1klady obsluhy ve\u0159ejn\u00fdch rozpo\u010dt\u016f EU11. Da\u0148 proto v\u00a0posledn\u00ed dob\u011b za\u010d\u00edn\u00e1 b\u00fdt kontroverzn\u00ed. Brit\u00e1nie vzn\u00e1\u0161\u00ed pr\u00e1vn\u00ed n\u00e1mitky, Francie po\u017eaduje rozs\u00e1hl\u00e9 zm\u011bny a sama Komise tuto da\u0148 popisuje jako a\u017e t\u0159et\u00ed nejlep\u0161\u00ed \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed. Ide\u00e1ln\u00edm \u0159e\u0161en\u00edm by podle Komise bylo glob\u00e1ln\u00ed zaveden\u00ed FTT, pop\u0159\u00edpad\u011b zaveden\u00ed FTT v\u00a0cel\u00e9 EU, a to z\u00a0d\u016fvodu \u00faniku kapit\u00e1lu.<\/p>\n

Z\u00a0v\u00fdzkumu vypl\u00fdv\u00e1 i to, \u017ee pokud by v\u00fdnosy z\u00a0FTT byly pou\u017eity na sn\u00ed\u017een\u00ed dluhu, da\u0148ov\u00e9 \u0161krty nebo produktivn\u00ed ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 investice, \u010dist\u00fd dopad dan\u011b by byl neutr\u00e1ln\u00ed \u010di dokonce pozitivn\u00ed. Podle n\u00e1zoru think-tanku New Direction v\u0161ak uvalov\u00e1n\u00ed dan\u011b na produktivn\u00ed hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00fd sektor rozhodn\u011b nen\u00ed vhodnou strategi\u00ed pro sni\u017eov\u00e1n\u00ed rozpo\u010dtov\u00fdch deficit\u016f.<\/p>\n

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Krizov\u00fd management EU po Lisabonu: \u0158e\u0161en\u00ed nov\u00fdch bezpe\u010dnostn\u00edch v\u00fdzev v\u00a021. stolet\u00ed<\/a><\/h1>\n

The European Union\u2019s Crisis Management After Lisbon: Addressing New Security Challenges in the 21st<\/sup>\u00a0Century<\/em><\/h3>\n

Nicoletta Pirozzi; Istituto Affari Internazionalli<\/h3>\n

Zat\u00edmco Evropsk\u00e1 bezpe\u010dnostn\u00ed strategie v roce 2003 za kl\u00ed\u010dov\u00e9 bezpe\u010dnostn\u00ed hrozby pova\u017eovala chudobu a nemoci, soupe\u0159en\u00ed o p\u0159\u00edrodn\u00ed zdroje, energetickou z\u00e1vislost, terorismus, \u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00ed zbran\u00ed hromadn\u00e9ho ni\u010den\u00ed, region\u00e1ln\u00ed konflikty \u010di organizovan\u00fd zlo\u010din, ji\u017e v\u00a0roce 2008 hodnot\u00edc\u00ed zpr\u00e1va t\u00e9to Strategie roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159ila v\u00fd\u010det bezpe\u010dnostn\u00edch a politick\u00fdch v\u00fdzev o kybernetickou a energetickou bezpe\u010dnost, zm\u011bny klimatu, ale tak\u00e9 nap\u0159. o pir\u00e1tstv\u00ed \u010di p\u011bchotn\u00ed zbran\u011b. Nav\u00edc bychom koncept bezpe\u010dnosti dnes m\u011bli ch\u00e1pat v\u00a0\u0161ir\u0161\u00edch ekonomick\u00fdch, environment\u00e1ln\u00edch, rozvojov\u00fdch, lidsko-pr\u00e1vn\u00edch, odzbrojovac\u00edch, demokratizuj\u00edc\u00edch a dal\u0161\u00edch souvislostech, nejen jako bezpe\u010dnost striktn\u011b st\u00e1tn\u00ed, ale u\u017e i jako bezpe\u010dnost jedince.<\/p>\n

Lisabonsk\u00e1 smlouva p\u0159inesla nov\u00e9 mo\u017enosti spolupr\u00e1ce mezi institucemi a \u010dlensk\u00fdmi st\u00e1ty EU, vybavila je nov\u00fdmi n\u00e1stroji a autority kompetencemi, nicm\u00e9n\u011b strategie krizov\u00e9ho managementu se ani s\u00a0nov\u00fdmi v\u00fdzvami po Lisabonu p\u0159\u00edli\u0161 nezm\u011bnily.
\nK prov\u011b\u0159en\u00ed post-lisabonsk\u00e9ho krizov\u00e9ho managementu p\u0159itom nemus\u00edme chodit daleko. Bou\u0159liv\u00fd region St\u0159edn\u00edho v\u00fdchodu a severn\u00ed Afriky (MENA \u2013 Middle East and North Africa Region), s\u00a0ned\u00e1vno znovu o\u017eiven\u00fdm revolu\u010dn\u00edm hnut\u00edm, konflikty a zm\u011bnami re\u017eim\u016f, poskytl \u0161irokou \u0161k\u00e1lu testovac\u00edch p\u0159\u00edpad\u016f s\u00a0bezpe\u010dnostn\u00edmi d\u016fsledky i p\u0159esahem do sousedn\u00edch zem\u00ed. Krizov\u00fd management EU v\u0161ak na tyto v\u00fdzvy v\u011bt\u0161inou nesta\u010dil, kdy\u017e instituce vytvo\u0159en\u00e9 Lisabonskou smlouvou nebyly schopn\u00e9 vz\u00e1jemn\u011b zkoordinovat jednotliv\u00e9 n\u00e1rodn\u00ed a politick\u00e9 kroky v\u00a0t\u00e9to oblasti.<\/p>\n

V\u00a0posledn\u00ed dob\u011b pak byla schv\u00e1lena nap\u0159. kv\u011btnov\u00e1 mise EUBAM vyslan\u00e1 Radou EU k\u00a0podpo\u0159e bezpe\u010dnosti a konsolidace Libye a jej\u00edch hranic. Je dal\u0161\u00edm d\u016fkazem posunu od klasick\u00e9ho vn\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed suverenity a nezasahov\u00e1n\u00ed do vnit\u0159n\u00edch z\u00e1le\u017eitost\u00ed jin\u00fdch zem\u00ed k odpov\u011bdnosti chr\u00e1nit. I p\u0159es \u0161irok\u00e9 zapojov\u00e1n\u00ed EU do \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed kriz\u00ed p\u0159itom jej\u00ed strategick\u00e9 dokumenty nad\u00e1le postr\u00e1daj\u00ed jasn\u00e9 vymezen\u00ed t\u011bchto pojm\u016f a podm\u00ednek z\u00e1sah\u016f, a chyb\u00ed j\u00ed t\u00e9\u017e kapacity pro jej\u00ed vzne\u0161en\u00e9 c\u00edle. A\u010dkoli autonomn\u00ed vojensk\u00e9 zdroje EU nejsou zcela ide\u00e1ln\u00ed, je pot\u0159eba na jej\u00ed obhajobu dodat, \u017ee jej\u00ed anga\u017eovanost v\u00a0post-konfliktn\u00edch rekonstrukc\u00edch (prevence vzniku nov\u00fdch kriz\u00ed, snahy o zlep\u0161en\u00ed \u017eivotn\u00ed situace posti\u017een\u00e9ho obyvatelstva \u010dasto ve spolupr\u00e1ci s\u00a0nevl\u00e1dn\u00edmi organizacemi apod.) jsou po\u0159\u00e1dn\u00fdm kusem dob\u0159e odveden\u00e9 pr\u00e1ce. Spolupr\u00e1ce s\u00a0nest\u00e1tn\u00edmi akt\u00e9ry pak nazna\u010duje mo\u017en\u00e9 budouc\u00ed sm\u011b\u0159ov\u00e1n\u00ed v\u00fdvoje krizov\u00e9ho managementu EU. Vedle toho by m\u011bla Unie zv\u00e1\u017eit, jakou roli by na glob\u00e1ln\u00ed \u00farovni cht\u011bla do budoucna zast\u00e1vat.<\/p>\n

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Jak\u00e9 zm\u011bny p\u0159in\u00e1\u0161\u00ed Lisabonsk\u00e1 smlouva ohledn\u011b subsidiarity v\u00a0institucion\u00e1ln\u00edm r\u00e1mci EU?<\/a>\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/h3>\n

What Does the Lisbon Treaty Change Regarding Subsidiarity within the EU Institutional Framework?<\/em><\/strong><\/h3>\n

Gracia Vara Arribas and Delphine Bourdin; European Institute of Public Administration<\/h3>\n

Ne zcela aktu\u00e1ln\u00ed, av\u0161ak sv\u00fdm t\u00e9matem velmi nad\u010dasov\u00fd \u010dl\u00e1nek z\u00a0pera p\u0159edn\u00edch odborn\u00edk\u016f, se v\u011bnuje ot\u00e1zk\u00e1m vnit\u0159n\u00edch zm\u011bn po Lisabonu. Ve sv\u011btle trvaj\u00edc\u00ed krize spole\u010dn\u00e9 m\u011bny se m\u016f\u017ee ot\u00e1zka subsidiarity jevit jako zbyte\u010dn\u00e1, nicm\u00e9n\u011b pos\u00edlen\u00ed tohoto prvku v\u00a0institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed struktu\u0159e m\u016f\u017ee pomoci zm\u00edrnit dlouhodob\u011b poci\u0165ovan\u00fd demokratick\u00fd deficit EU. \u0158e\u0161en\u00ed demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu m\u016f\u017ee z\u00a0dlouhodob\u00e9ho hlediska pomoci obnovit d\u016fv\u011bru v\u00a0unijn\u00ed instituce, a tak pomoci p\u0159ekonat i sou\u010dasnou krizi integra\u010dn\u00edho procesu.<\/p>\n

Subsidiarita znamen\u00e1, \u017ee politick\u00e1 rozhodnut\u00ed se \u010din\u00ed na \u00farovn\u00edch, kde je rozhodov\u00e1n\u00ed nejefektivn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed. Ve smlouv\u00e1ch\u00a0EU je s t\u00edm d\u00e1le spojeno vymezen\u00ed rozhodovat tak bl\u00edzko k ob\u010danovi, jak je to jen mo\u017en\u00e9. Lisabonsk\u00e1 smlouva posiluje mechanismy, kter\u00fdmi mohou zejm\u00e9na n\u00e1rodn\u00ed, ale i \u010d\u00e1ste\u010dn\u011b region\u00e1ln\u00ed parlamenty ovliv\u0148ovat evropsk\u00fd legislativn\u00ed proces. Jedn\u00e1 se o dva zp\u016fsoby, tzv. \u201eex ante\u201c a \u201eex post\u201c, pr\u00e1v\u011b s\u00a0ohledem na subsidiaritu. Konkr\u00e9tn\u011b \u201eex ante\u201c znamen\u00e1, \u017ee n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty maj\u00ed pos\u00edlen\u00e9 pravomoci v\u00a0monitorov\u00e1n\u00ed legislativn\u00edch n\u00e1vrh\u016f ve vztahu k\u00a0subsidiarit\u011b. \u201eEx post\u201c pravomoci d\u00e1vaj\u00ed parlament\u016fm mo\u017enost \u017ealoby k\u00a0Soudn\u00edmu dvoru Evropsk\u00e9 unie, pokud by dosp\u011bly k\u00a0z\u00e1v\u011bru, \u017ee z\u00e1sada subsidiarity byla poru\u0161ena. Tyto zm\u011bny mohou p\u0159in\u00e9st z\u00e1sadn\u00ed pr\u016flom i pro region\u00e1ln\u00ed parlamenty s\u00a0legislativn\u00ed pravomoc\u00ed. Nicm\u00e9n\u011b z\u016fst\u00e1v\u00e1 ot\u00e1zkou, zdali si budou parlamenty t\u00e9to nov\u00e9 role p\u0159i p\u0159ezkoum\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00ed legislativy v\u011bdomy a budou-li t\u00edm p\u00e1dem pos\u00edlen\u00e9 pravomoci dostate\u010dn\u011b vyu\u017eity.<\/p>\n

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Rovnopr\u00e1vnost mu\u017e\u016f a \u017een, mobilizace pr\u00e1va a feminismus ve v\u00edce\u00farov\u0148ov\u00e9m evropsk\u00e9m syst\u00e9mu<\/a><\/h1>\n

Gender Equality, Legal Mobilization, and Feminism in a Multilevel European System<\/em><\/h3>\n

Dia Anagnostou and Susan Millns; ELIAMEP \u2013 Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Policy<\/h3>\n

 <\/p>\n

T\u00e9ma rovnopr\u00e1vnosti mu\u017e\u016f a \u017een se v pr\u00e1vn\u00edm syst\u00e9mu Evropsk\u00e9 unie za\u010dalo objevovat od\u00a0sedmdes\u00e1t\u00fdch let. Nejv\u011bt\u0161\u00ed z\u00e1sluhu na tom m\u011bly rostouc\u00ed po\u017eadavky a aktivismus ze strany jednotlivc\u016f i r\u016fzn\u00fdch kolektivn\u00edch uskupen\u00ed. Aktivist\u00e9, pr\u00e1vn\u00edci i politi\u010dt\u00ed zprost\u0159edkovatel\u00e9, v\u010detn\u011b t\u011bch feministicky orientovan\u00fdch, nach\u00e1zeli v\u00a0Evropsk\u00e9 unii alternativn\u00ed a k\u00a0 ot\u00e1zk\u00e1m genderov\u00e9 diskriminace relativn\u011b p\u0159\u00edstupn\u00fd pr\u00e1vn\u00ed a soudn\u00ed syst\u00e9m. Vytvo\u0159ili proto celou \u0159adu strategi\u00ed, sou\u010dasn\u011b na n\u00e1rodn\u00ed i evropsk\u00e9 \u00farovni, jak propagovat a prosazovat uplat\u0148ov\u00e1n\u00ed evropsk\u00fdch pr\u00e1vn\u00edch norem t\u00fdkaj\u00edc\u00edch se rovnopr\u00e1vnosti pohlav\u00ed. Jednalo se tedy zejm\u00e9na o mobilizaci pr\u00e1va ze strany ob\u010dan\u016f.<\/p>\n

Z historick\u00e9ho hlediska se rovnost obou pohlav\u00ed pro Evropskou unii stala pr\u00e1vn\u00edm a politick\u00fdm t\u00e9matem v\u00a0sedmdes\u00e1t\u00fdch letech. Z\u00e1kladem evropsk\u00e9ho pr\u00e1va o rovnosti pohlav\u00ed se stal \u010cl\u00e1nek 119 \u0158\u00edmsk\u00e9 smlouvy (dnes \u010cl\u00e1nek 157 Smlouvy o fungov\u00e1n\u00ed Evropsk\u00e9 unie). Na n\u011bj nav\u00e1zaly Sm\u011brnice o stejn\u00e9 odm\u011bn\u011b za pr\u00e1ci (1975) a Sm\u011brnice o rovn\u00e9m zach\u00e1zen\u00ed (1976). Tyto pr\u00e1vn\u00ed z\u00e1klady byly n\u00e1sledn\u011b roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159eny a zavedeny do praxe konkr\u00e9tn\u00edmi rozhodnut\u00edmi Evropsk\u00e9ho soudn\u00edho dvora. V\u00a0roce 2002 byla potom Sm\u011brnice o rovn\u00e9m zach\u00e1zen\u00ed roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159ena o definici nep\u0159\u00edm\u00e9 diskriminace a sexu\u00e1ln\u00ed obt\u011b\u017eov\u00e1n\u00ed, a v roce 2006 nakonec celkov\u011b p\u0159epracov\u00e1na. V\u00fdznamn\u00fd posun k vn\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed genderov\u00e9 rovnosti, jako\u017eto z\u00e1kladn\u00edho lidsk\u00e9ho pr\u00e1va, pak znamenalo p\u0159ijet\u00ed pr\u00e1vn\u011b z\u00e1vazn\u00e9 Listiny z\u00e1kladn\u00edch pr\u00e1v v\u00a0r\u00e1mci Lisabonsk\u00e9 smlouvy v roce 2009.<\/p>\n

Na n\u00e1rodn\u00ed \u00farovni nicm\u00e9n\u011b existuje zna\u010dn\u00e1 rozmanitost \u00fastavn\u011b-pr\u00e1vn\u00edch po\u0159\u00e1dk\u016f a soudn\u00edch syst\u00e9m\u016f nap\u0159\u00ed\u010d Evropskou uni\u00ed. Dal\u0161\u00ed rozd\u00edly v\u00a0pr\u00e1vn\u00edch syst\u00e9mech vznikaj\u00ed p\u0159i decentralizovan\u00e9m p\u0159ej\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed spole\u010dn\u00fdch evropsk\u00fdch pr\u00e1vn\u00edch norem, d\u016fsledkem \u010deho\u017e je pak nestejn\u00e1 \u00farove\u0148 ochrany pr\u00e1v, rovnopr\u00e1vnost mu\u017e\u016f a \u017een nevyj\u00edmaje, v\u00a0r\u016fzn\u00fdch \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1tech Evropsk\u00e9 unie.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

\n

Budoucnost evropsk\u00e9 integrace<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

The future of European integration<\/em>\u00a0<\/em><\/h1>\n

Brendan Halligan; Institute of International and European Affairs<\/h3>\n

Evropa se postupn\u011b vyv\u00edj\u00ed \u2013 z\u00a0projektu, kter\u00fd se v\u00a0prvn\u00ed f\u00e1zi sna\u017eil o zabr\u00e1n\u011bn\u00ed dal\u0161\u00ed zni\u010duj\u00edc\u00ed v\u00e1lce, a\u017e ke spole\u010dn\u00e9mu \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed probl\u00e9m\u016f, jako je nap\u0159\u00edklad sou\u010dasn\u00e1 ekonomick\u00e1 krize. Tato \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed jsou ale zalo\u017eena na sd\u00edlen\u00ed n\u00e1rodn\u00ed suverenity v\u00a0ur\u010dit\u00fdch oblastech politiky, kter\u00e1 je v\u00a0kontrastu s\u00a0mezivl\u00e1dn\u00edm p\u0159\u00edstupem. Tento ojedin\u011bl\u00fd nadn\u00e1rodn\u00ed postup \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed probl\u00e9m\u016f v\u00a0mezin\u00e1rodn\u00edch vztaz\u00edch vy\u017eaduje odli\u0161n\u00fd zp\u016fsob my\u0161len\u00ed a nov\u00e9 formy anal\u00fdzy.<\/p>\n

Pokud je budoucnost evropsk\u00e9 integrace ch\u00e1p\u00e1na jako proces, v\u00a0n\u011bm\u017e se progresivn\u011b zv\u011bt\u0161uje sd\u00edlen\u00e1 suverenita na z\u00e1klad\u011b dobrovoln\u00e9ho rozhodnut\u00ed st\u00e1t\u016f, pak jej\u00ed v\u00fdvoj lze p\u0159edpov\u00eddat v\u00a0souladu se\u00a0t\u0159emi vz\u00e1jemn\u011b propojen\u00fdmi vektory: roz\u0161i\u0159uj\u00edc\u00ed se \u010dlenstv\u00ed, rozr\u016fstaj\u00edc\u00ed se agenda a prohlubuj\u00edc\u00ed se vz\u00e1jemn\u00e1 z\u00e1vislost.<\/p>\n

Ve sv\u011btle velmi dynamick\u00e9ho v\u00fdvoje roz\u0161i\u0159ov\u00e1n\u00ed je velmi pravd\u011bpodobn\u00e9 jeho dal\u0161\u00ed pokra\u010dov\u00e1n\u00ed v\u00a0p\u0159\u00ed\u0161t\u00edch dvaceti letech, a to na v\u00edce ne\u017e 30 \u010dlensk\u00fdch zem\u00ed (p\u0159edev\u0161\u00edm p\u016fjde o balk\u00e1nsk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty). EU t\u00edm p\u0159id\u00e1 na sv\u00e9 ekonomick\u00e9 s\u00edle i politick\u00e9 hodnot\u011b. Na druh\u00e9 stran\u011b se zv\u011bt\u0161\u00ed i probl\u00e9my ve snah\u00e1ch dos\u00e1hnout spole\u010dn\u00fdch stanovisek. EU se postupn\u011b vyv\u00edj\u00ed ze Spole\u010denstv\u00ed uhl\u00ed a oceli, p\u0159es spole\u010dn\u00fd trh a m\u011bnu, a vede a\u017e k\u00a0bankovn\u00ed a politick\u00e9 unii. Sou\u010dasn\u011b se bude EU pot\u00fdkat se st\u00e1le se roz\u0161i\u0159uj\u00edc\u00ed agendou, nap\u0159\u00edklad o zm\u011bny klimatu. Posledn\u00edm vektorem je prohlouben\u00ed vz\u00e1jemn\u00e9 z\u00e1vislosti prost\u0159ednictv\u00edm zm\u011bn v rozhodovac\u00edm syst\u00e9mu a institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed struktu\u0159e Unie. Proces sm\u011brem k v\u011bt\u0161inov\u00e9mu rozhodov\u00e1n\u00ed trv\u00e1 ji\u017e 60 let a m\u00e1 p\u0159ed sebou je\u0161t\u011b dlouhou cestu.<\/p>\n

V\u00a0budoucnosti bude muset EU vytvo\u0159it takov\u00e9 instituce, kter\u00e9 budou hr\u00e1t v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed roli na sv\u011btov\u00e9 sc\u00e9n\u011b a bude se muset vypo\u0159\u00e1dat se st\u00e1le v\u011bt\u0161\u00edm demokratick\u00fdm deficitem, nap\u0159\u00edklad pomoc\u00ed v\u011bt\u0161\u00edho zapojen\u00ed n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f. Sc\u00e9n\u00e1\u0159e ukazuj\u00ed, \u017ee budoucnost evropsk\u00e9 integrace bude ale i nad\u00e1le pokra\u010dovat v\u00a0dob\u0159e zapo\u010dat\u00e9 cest\u011b.<\/p>\n

\n

Putinovo Rusko: Stabilita a\u00a0stagnace<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

Putin’s Russia: Stability and stagnation<\/em><\/h2>\n

Charles Grant, Centre for European reform<\/h3>\n

Rusko pot\u0159ebuje politickou a ekonomickou zm\u011bnu v\u00edc ne\u017e kdy p\u0159edt\u00edm. \u0160ance na \u00fasp\u011b\u0161nou reformu je v\u0161ak t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 nulov\u00e1. P\u0159edstavitel\u00e9 vl\u00e1dy se ob\u00e1vaj\u00ed, \u017ee velk\u00e9 reformy by pos\u00edlily opozici a\u00a0vytvo\u0159ily ztr\u00e1ty. Vl\u00e1da se pokusila o\u00a0reformu ve\u00a0\u0161kolstv\u00ed a ve zdravotnictv\u00ed, kter\u00e9 ale nebyly p\u0159\u00edli\u0161 popul\u00e1rn\u00ed.<\/p>\n

Rusk\u00e1 ekonomika v\u00a0posledn\u00edch letech zpomalila – tento rok se r\u016fst pohybuje na \u00farovni pod 2 %. Vl\u00e1da tento jev p\u0159ipisuje zpomalen\u00ed sv\u011btov\u00e9 ekonomiky a poklesu popt\u00e1vky po rusk\u00fdch p\u0159\u00edrodn\u00edch zdroj\u00edch. Nejv\u011bt\u0161\u00edmi probl\u00e9my jsou st\u00e1rnouc\u00ed populace, klesaj\u00edc\u00ed investice v\u00a0soukrom\u00e9m sektoru, nedostatek pracovn\u00ed mobility, absence voln\u00e9 pr\u016fmyslov\u00e9 kapacity a\u00a0vysok\u00e1 cena ropy.<\/p>\n

Udr\u017eov\u00e1n\u00ed dobr\u00fdch vztah\u016f se Spojen\u00fdmi st\u00e1ty americk\u00fdmi je pro Rusko velmi d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e9. Zat\u00edmco Dmitri Medvedev m\u011bl s\u00a0Barackem Obamou dobr\u00e9 vztahy, po zvolen\u00ed Putina tyto vztahy ochladly. Putin ch\u00e1pe, \u017ee USA je st\u00e1le velmoc\u00ed, se\u00a0kterou mus\u00ed v\u00a0ur\u010dit\u00fdch oblastech spolupracovat. Na stran\u011b druh\u00e9 je ale velmi paranoidn\u00ed. Boj\u00ed se, \u017ee USA maj\u00ed po\u0159\u00e1d moc svrhnout re\u017eim, jak to u\u017e ud\u011blaly v\u00a0Afgh\u00e1nist\u00e1nu, Libyi a v\u00a0Srbsku.\u00a0Oba tyto pohledy na Putina jsou pravdiv\u00e9. M\u011bn\u00ed tv\u00e1\u0159e, a to z n\u011bho d\u011bl\u00e1 t\u011b\u017ek\u00e9ho partnera pro Ameriku.<\/p>\n

Obamova spolupr\u00e1ce s\u00a0Ruskem by se m\u011bla zam\u011b\u0159it na dv\u011b hlavn\u00ed priority \u2013 kontrolu vyzbrojov\u00e1n\u00ed a situaci v S\u00fdrii. V\u00a0sou\u010dasnosti m\u00e1 Rusko schovanou vysokou kartu v\u00a0ruk\u00e1vu, a to Edwarda Snowdena, kter\u00e9mu Rusko ud\u011blilo do\u010dasn\u00fd azyl. Putin si uv\u011bdomuje, kolik Snowden znamen\u00e1 pro Obamovu administrativu. Obama je \u010dlov\u011bk, kter\u00fd nen\u00ed ochotn\u00fd zab\u00fdvat se v\u011bcmi, kter\u00e9 nep\u0159in\u00e1\u0161ej\u00ed v\u00fdsledky. D\u00e1 se p\u0159edpokl\u00e1dat, \u017ee pr\u00e1v\u011b tyto neshody v\u00a0n\u00e1zorech mohou m\u00edt za n\u00e1sledek ochlazen\u00ed vztah\u016f t\u011bchto dvou velmoc\u00ed.<\/p>\n

\n

\u00a0Analytick\u00fd t\u00fdm<\/a><\/strong>\u00a0think-tanku Evropsk\u00e9 hodnoty se dlouhodob\u011b v\u011bnuje anal\u00fdz\u00e1m (nejen) \u010desk\u00e9 pozice v Evropsk\u00e9 unii.<\/em><\/p>\n

Pokud chcete na\u0161e dal\u0161\u00ed exkluzivn\u00ed rozhovory (nap\u0159\u00edklad\u00a0s Hynkem Kmon\u00ed\u010dkem<\/a>), n\u00e1zorov\u00e9 \u010dl\u00e1nky a pozv\u00e1nky na na\u0161e akce dost\u00e1vat mailem,\u00a0objednejte si zdarma<\/a>\u00a0na\u0161e pravideln\u00e9\u00a0N\u00e1zory v souvislostech<\/a>.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ka\u017edot\u00fddenn\u00ed v\u00fdb\u011br toho nejlep\u0161\u00edho, co vydaly hlavn\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 think-tanky nejen na t\u00e9ma evropsk\u00e9 integrace, je op\u011bt tu. Nab\u00eddka je velmi pestr\u00e1, a to od v\u00a0posledn\u00edch letech pochopiteln\u011b velmi akcentovan\u00e9 ekonomiky p\u0159es institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed r\u00e1mec a\u017e po ot\u00e1zky bezpe\u010dnosti. V\u00a0\u010cesku se pon\u011bkud kontroverzn\u00edmu t\u00e9matu v\u011bnuje \u010dl\u00e1nek o rovnopr\u00e1vnosti mu\u017e\u016f a \u017een v\u00a0pr\u00e1vn\u00edm syst\u00e9mu EU. Historick\u00e1 perspektiva p\u0159in\u00e1\u0161\u00ed […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":15647,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5018","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"yoast_head":"\nPro\u010d stagnuje Rusko a je je\u0161t\u011b Evropa bezpe\u010dn\u00e1? - European Values Center for Security Policy<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/europeanvalues.cz\/cs\/proc-stagnuje-rusko-a-je-jeste-evropa-bezpecna\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"cs_CZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Pro\u010d stagnuje Rusko a je je\u0161t\u011b Evropa bezpe\u010dn\u00e1? - European Values Center for Security Policy\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ka\u017edot\u00fddenn\u00ed v\u00fdb\u011br toho nejlep\u0161\u00edho, co vydaly hlavn\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 think-tanky nejen na t\u00e9ma evropsk\u00e9 integrace, je op\u011bt tu. 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