{"id":3045,"date":"2014-10-08T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2014-10-08T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/europeanvalues.cz\/demokraticky-deficit-v-eu-v-casech-ekonomicke-krize\/"},"modified":"2021-12-16T12:08:14","modified_gmt":"2021-12-16T10:08:14","slug":"demokraticky-deficit-v-eu-v-casech-ekonomicke-krize","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/europeanvalues.cz\/cs\/demokraticky-deficit-v-eu-v-casech-ekonomicke-krize\/","title":{"rendered":"Demokratick\u00fd deficit v EU v \u010dasech ekonomick\u00e9 krize"},"content":{"rendered":"

Problematika demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu EU nen\u00ed nov\u00fd fenom\u00e9n, kter\u00fd by se objevil teprve v\u00a0souvislosti se vznikem ekonomick\u00e9 krize.<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Jak ekonomick\u00e1 krize zm\u011bnila na\u0161e vn\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed problematiky demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu EU?<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

Do\u0161lo k\u00a0zhor\u0161en\u00ed p\u0159edchoz\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 legitimity, nebo naopak ekonomick\u00e1 krize p\u0159isp\u011bla k\u00a0p\u0159ehodnocen\u00ed demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu?<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Finan\u010dn\u00ed krize se stala \u0161est let po sv\u00e9m vzniku v\u00a0roce 2008 nej\u010dast\u011bj\u0161\u00edm p\u0159edm\u011btem zkoum\u00e1n\u00ed v\u00a0Evropsk\u00e9 unii. Tyto studie se zpravidla zab\u00fdvaj\u00ed p\u016fvodem krize, jej\u00ed anal\u00fdzou, pop\u0159\u00edpad\u011b predikuj\u00ed pravd\u011bpodobn\u00e9 \u00fa\u010dinky protikrizov\u00fdch opat\u0159en\u00ed. Jen z\u0159\u00eddka m\u00e1 podobn\u00fd v\u00fdzkum ambici zasadit krizi do \u0161ir\u0161\u00edho, ne\u017e pouze ekonomick\u00e9ho r\u00e1mce, jen\u017e by se sna\u017eil reflektovat hlub\u0161\u00ed zm\u011bny v\u00a0Evropsk\u00e9 unii zp\u016fsoben\u00e9 finan\u010dn\u00ed kriz\u00ed. V\u00fdjimkou m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt sympozium \u201eConventional Wisdoms Under Challenge \u2013 Reviewing the EU\u2019s Democratic Deficit in Times of Crisis<\/em>\u201c organizovan\u00e9 anglicky psan\u00fdm akademick\u00fdm \u010dasopisem Journal of Common Market Studies. Jak n\u00e1zev sympozia nazna\u010duje, c\u00edlem \u0161esti \u010dl\u00e1nk\u016f bylo analyzovat d\u016fsledky ekonomick\u00e9 krize na fenom\u00e9nu demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu EU, p\u0159edev\u0161\u00edm hled\u00e1 odpov\u011bdi na n\u00e1sleduj\u00edc\u00ed ot\u00e1zky: Jak ekonomick\u00e1 krize zm\u011bnila na\u0161e vn\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed problematiky demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu EU? Do\u0161lo k\u00a0zhor\u0161en\u00ed p\u0159edchoz\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 legitimity, nebo naopak ekonomick\u00e1 krize p\u0159isp\u011bla k\u00a0p\u0159ehodnocen\u00ed demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu? C\u00edlem tohoto p\u0159\u00edsp\u011bvku je p\u0159ibl\u00ed\u017eit \u0161ir\u0161\u00ed ve\u0159ejnosti debatu, kter\u00e1 prob\u011bhla v\u00a0r\u00e1mci sympozia a zab\u00fdvala se demokratick\u00fdm deficitem b\u011bhem a po finan\u010dn\u00ed krizi v\u00a0EU.<\/p>\n

Problematika demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu EU nen\u00ed nov\u00fd fenom\u00e9n, kter\u00fd by se objevil teprve v\u00a0souvislosti se vznikem ekonomick\u00e9 krize. Naopak ot\u00e1zka demokratick\u00e9 legitimity Unie je jedn\u00edm z\u00a0nejv\u00edce diskutovan\u00fdch aspekt\u016f evropsk\u00e9 integrace nejen v\u00a0akademick\u00e9 obci. Tradi\u010dn\u00ed v\u00fdtky kritik\u016f sm\u011b\u0159uj\u00ed p\u0159edev\u0161\u00edm na nedostate\u010dnou demokratickou legitimitu evropsk\u00fdch instituc\u00ed a p\u0159\u00edli\u0161nou vzd\u00e1lenost rozhodov\u00e1n\u00ed\u00a0EU od ob\u010dan\u016f \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f. Pos\u00edlen\u00ed evropsk\u00fdch a vnitrost\u00e1tn\u00edch parlament\u016f bylo pova\u017eov\u00e1no za l\u00e9k na demokratick\u00fd deficit v\u00a0EU a Lisabonsk\u00e1 smlouva dostala p\u0159\u00edzvisko \u201eSmlouva parlament\u016f\u201c. De jure<\/em> skute\u010dn\u011b do\u0161lo k\u00a0pos\u00edlen\u00ed n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f, nicm\u00e9n\u011b \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed krize nazna\u010duje, \u017ee de facto<\/em> parlamenty \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f byly odstavov\u00e1ny na vedlej\u0161\u00ed kolej na \u00fakor evropsk\u00fdch a mezivl\u00e1dn\u00edch politick\u00fdch rozhodnut\u00ed.<\/p>\n

Od regulatorn\u00edho st\u00e1tu k\u00a0zakotven\u00e9mu demokratick\u00e9mu deficitu<\/strong><\/p>\n

Je\u0161t\u011b p\u0159ed m\u00e9n\u011b ne\u017e dvaceti lety bylo mo\u017en\u00e9 tvrdit, \u017ee nic jako probl\u00e9m demokratick\u00e9 legitimity neexistuje. Evropsk\u00e1 integrace po v\u00edce ne\u017e pades\u00e1t let byla prezentov\u00e1na jako hra s\u00a0kladn\u00fdm sou\u010dtem, kter\u00e1 ekonomick\u00fdmi p\u0159\u00ednosy kompenzuje omezen\u00ed nadn\u00e1rodn\u00ed demokracie. V\u00edra v\u00a0pozitivn\u00ed vliv evropsk\u00e9 integrace na \u010dlensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty se vytratila b\u011bhem prvn\u00ed krize v\u00a0euroz\u00f3n\u011b.<\/p>\n

Za\u010d\u00e1tkem ekonomick\u00e9 krize se st\u00e1le jasn\u011bji projevovalo, \u017ee evropsk\u00e1 integrace s\u00a0sebou nese v\u00e1\u017en\u00e9 normativn\u00ed n\u00e1klady, nebo\u0165 navrhovan\u00e1 ad hoc \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed maj\u00ed tendenci demokratick\u00fd deficit Unie zhor\u0161ovat. Nejnov\u011bj\u0161\u00ed reakce na krize m\u011bnov\u00e9 unie uvedla do pohybu celou \u0159adu proces\u016f, kter\u00e9 radik\u00e1ln\u011b transformuj\u00ed EU.\u00a0Snaha poskytnout trvalou n\u00e1pravu krize v\u00a0euroz\u00f3n\u011b vedla k\u00a0z\u00e1sah\u016fm do oblast\u00ed, je\u017e v\u00fdlu\u010dn\u011b pat\u0159\u00ed jednotliv\u00fdm \u010dlensk\u00fdm st\u00e1t\u016fm. Nejviditeln\u011bj\u0161\u00edm z\u00e1sahem se stal fisk\u00e1ln\u00ed pakt ovliv\u0148uj\u00edc\u00ed n\u00e1rodn\u00ed rozpo\u010dtov\u00e9 a hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9 politiky, kter\u00fd m\u00e1 \u010dlensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty donutit k\u00a0n\u00e1prav\u011b nadm\u011brn\u00e9 makroekonomick\u00e9 nerovnov\u00e1hy, pos\u00edlit dohled a koordinaci hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00fdch politik.<\/p>\n

Fisk\u00e1ln\u00ed pakt m\u00e1 pomoci \u010dlensk\u00fdm st\u00e1t\u016fm k\u00a0vyrovnan\u00e9mu rozpo\u010dtu ve snaze zabr\u00e1nit nadm\u011brn\u00e9mu schodku ve\u0159ejn\u00fdch financ\u00ed, zamezit tak zvy\u0161ov\u00e1n\u00ed inflace v\u00a0euroz\u00f3n\u011b a hlavn\u011b ochr\u00e1nit stabilitu eura. C\u00edlem je tedy vytvo\u0159it takov\u00e9 mechanismy v\u00a0r\u00e1mci Unie, kter\u00e9 omez\u00ed sou\u010dasnou ekonomickou krizi a umo\u017en\u00ed podobnou krizi odvr\u00e1tit i v\u00a0budoucnu. Tyto n\u00e1stroje v\u0161ak nar\u00e1\u017e\u00ed na demokratickou legitimitu. Nejen ob\u010dan\u00e9 \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f Unie jsou vylou\u010deni z\u00a0debaty o budoucnosti euroz\u00f3ny, ale tak\u00e9 v\u011bt\u0161ina n\u00e1rodn\u00edch vl\u00e1d je nucena p\u0159ij\u00edmat \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed navrhovan\u00e1 nejsiln\u011bj\u0161\u00edmi st\u00e1ty.<\/p>\n

Evropsk\u00e1 m\u011bnov\u00e1 unie (EMU) je navr\u017eena, aby harmonicky zapadala do institucion\u00e1ln\u00edho r\u00e1mce EU, nebo\u0165 krom\u011b Evropsk\u00e9 centr\u00e1ln\u00ed banky nebylo nutn\u00e9 vytv\u00e1\u0159et novou instituci nezbytnou pro jej\u00ed chod. Krize v\u0161ak uk\u00e1zala, \u017ee EMU se st\u00e1v\u00e1 dominantn\u00ed autonomn\u00ed politikou, kter\u00e1 se st\u00e1le v\u00edce odd\u011bluje od jin\u00fdch unijn\u00edch politik. Hroz\u00ed, \u017ee \u010dlenov\u00e9 euroz\u00f3ny si vytv\u00e1\u0159ej\u00ed vlastn\u00ed pravidla nad spole\u010dn\u00fd r\u00e1mec poskytnut\u00fd evropsk\u00fdmi smlouvami. Krom\u011b rozli\u0161ov\u00e1n\u00ed na \u010dlensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty plat\u00edc\u00ed nebo neplat\u00edc\u00ed spole\u010dnou m\u011bnou doch\u00e1z\u00ed tak\u00e9 k\u00a0diferenciaci zem\u00ed v\u00a0r\u00e1mci euroz\u00f3ny na v\u011b\u0159itele a dlu\u017en\u00edky. Up\u0159ednostnit z\u00e1chranu eura znamen\u00e1, \u017ee z\u00e1jmy EMU p\u0159eva\u017euj\u00ed nad z\u00e1jmy jin\u00fdch aspekt\u016f integrace.<\/p>\n

Ka\u017ed\u00fd \u010dlen euroz\u00f3ny mus\u00ed mimo jin\u00e9 p\u0159edkl\u00e1dat Komisi na posouzen\u00ed st\u0159edn\u011bdob\u00e9 rozpo\u010dtov\u00e9 c\u00edle, mus\u00ed p\u0159ijmout p\u0159edpisy, kter\u00e9 zajist\u00ed vyrovnan\u00fd nebo p\u0159ebytkov\u00fd ve\u0159ejn\u00fd rozpo\u010det. Nadm\u011brn\u00fd schodek mus\u00ed pak b\u00fdt schv\u00e1len Radou a Komis\u00ed spolu s\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpravou struktur\u00e1ln\u00edch reforem k\u00a0zaji\u0161t\u011bn\u00ed trval\u00e9 n\u00e1pravy schodku. B\u011bhem t\u011bchto proces\u016f se st\u00e1v\u00e1 st\u00e1t p\u0159edm\u011btem \u0161et\u0159en\u00ed ze strany evropsk\u00fdch instituc\u00ed. Doch\u00e1z\u00ed k\u00a0situaci, kdy se Komise, nikoliv n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlament, st\u00e1v\u00e1 prvn\u00ed instituc\u00ed zkoumaj\u00edc\u00ed rozpo\u010det zem\u011b ve finan\u010dn\u00edch obt\u00ed\u017e\u00edch. Rozpo\u010dtov\u00e9 z\u00e1kony mus\u00ed b\u00fdt v\u00a0r\u00e1mci euroz\u00f3ny synchronizovan\u00e9, proto maj\u00ed n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty pouze jeden m\u011bs\u00edc na p\u0159ijet\u00ed rozpo\u010dtov\u00fdch opat\u0159en\u00ed reflektuj\u00edc\u00ed stanoviska Komise. Ve snaze zachr\u00e1nit m\u011bnovou unii tak doch\u00e1z\u00ed p\u0159i\u00a0procesu \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed krize euroz\u00f3ny k\u00a0ob\u011btov\u00e1n\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 legitimity.<\/p>\n

Chyb\u011bj\u00edc\u00ed evropsk\u00fd lid? Identity a ve\u0159ejn\u00fd prostor b\u011bhem eurokrize<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u010casto se setk\u00e1v\u00e1me s\u00a0n\u00e1zorem, \u017ee EU postr\u00e1d\u00e1 evropsk\u00fd demos, tedy spole\u010denstv\u00ed mezi Evropany, vyzna\u010duj\u00edc\u00ed se zpravidla principem soun\u00e1le\u017eitosti a loajalitou mezi politick\u00fdmi skupinami. Prob\u00edhaj\u00edc\u00ed krize euroz\u00f3ny do jist\u00e9 m\u00edry testuje princip soun\u00e1le\u017eitosti, nebo\u0165 jsou \u010dlensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty poprv\u00e9 v\u00a0historii EU nuceny vynalo\u017eit ur\u010dit\u00e9 n\u00e1klady na podporu ostatn\u00edch st\u00e1t\u016f, co\u017e vy\u017eaduje jistou m\u00edru solidarity. Dostupn\u00e1 data nicm\u00e9n\u011b demonstruj\u00ed, \u017ee jsou obyvatel\u00e9 p\u0159ipraveni zaplatit za jejich evropskou identitu a tak\u00e9, \u017ee identifikace s\u00a0EU b\u011bhem krize vzrostla.<\/p>\n

Sv\u011bd\u010d\u00ed o tom nap\u0159\u00edklad v\u00fdsledky pr\u016fzkumu ve\u0159ejn\u00e9ho m\u00edn\u011bn\u00ed z\u00a0roku 2013, je\u017e ukazuj\u00ed, \u017ee 59% respondent\u016f projevilo alespo\u0148 \u010d\u00e1ste\u010dn\u00e9 ztoto\u017en\u011bn\u00ed se s\u00a0EU, co\u017e potvrzuje vytvo\u0159en\u00ed tzv. dvoj\u00ed identity \u2013 n\u00e1rodn\u00ed a evropsk\u00e9. Zat\u00edmco v\u00fdsledky pr\u016fzkumu z\u00a0roku 2010 ukazovaly pokles respondent\u016f s\u00a0dvoj\u00ed identitou, a tedy n\u00e1r\u016fst ob\u010dan\u016f preferuj\u00edc\u00ed n\u00e1rodn\u00ed identitu, v\u00fdsledky z\u00a0roku 2013 p\u0159inesly posun a procentu\u00e1ln\u00ed n\u00e1vrat respondent\u016f identifikuj\u00edc\u00edch se alespo\u0148 \u010d\u00e1ste\u010dn\u011b s\u00a0Uni\u00ed do p\u0159edkrizov\u00e9 \u00farovn\u011b. V\u00fdsledky d\u00e1le ukazuj\u00ed, \u017ee s\u00a0ohledem na \u00farove\u0148 identifikace neexistuj\u00ed rozd\u00edly mezi \u201ev\u011b\u0159itelsk\u00fdmi\u201c a \u201edlu\u017enick\u00fdmi\u201c st\u00e1ty. Dle Kuhna a\u00a0Stoeckla plat\u00ed, \u017ee \u010d\u00edm v\u00edce lid\u00ed se ztoto\u017e\u0148uje s\u00a0EU, t\u00edm v\u00edce jsou p\u0159ipraveni podpo\u0159it ekonomick\u00e9 vl\u00e1dnut\u00ed s\u00a0redistribu\u010dn\u00edmi d\u016fsledky. V\u011bt\u0161ina obyvatel euroz\u00f3ny proto podporuje finan\u010dn\u00ed pomoc jin\u00fdm \u010dlensk\u00fdm st\u00e1t\u016fm v\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b finan\u010dn\u00edch \u010di hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00fdch probl\u00e9m\u016f. Ob\u010dan\u00e9 EU jsou tak\u00e9 ochotni poskytnout si navz\u00e1jem rovn\u00e1 politick\u00e1 a soci\u00e1ln\u00ed pr\u00e1va.<\/p>\n

V\u00fd\u0161e uveden\u00e1 data pop\u00edraj\u00ed tedy tezi o tom, \u017ee evropsk\u00fd demos neexistuje a naopak potvrzuj\u00ed, \u017ee do\u0161lo k v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed europeizaci \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f. Empirick\u00e9 studie prov\u00e1d\u011bn\u00e9 za posledn\u00edch patn\u00e1ct let d\u00e1le ukazuj\u00ed, \u017ee jsme sv\u011bdky st\u00e1le nar\u016fstaj\u00edc\u00ed evropeizace ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 sf\u00e9ry. Tato europeizace identit a ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 sf\u00e9ry d\u00e1le vedla k\u00a0politizaci debaty ohledn\u011b EU, kter\u00e1 obecn\u011b posiluje evropskou demokracii a formuj\u00edc\u00ed se demos.<\/p>\n

Problematika EU se od poloviny devades\u00e1t\u00fdch let st\u00e1v\u00e1 ve v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed m\u00ed\u0159e sou\u010d\u00e1st\u00ed ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 sf\u00e9ry a m\u00e9di\u00ed. Doch\u00e1z\u00ed tak\u00e9 k\u00a0europeizaci politick\u00fdch po\u017eadavk\u016f a n\u00e1rok\u016f, evrop\u0161t\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i hraj\u00ed v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed roli v\u00a0n\u00e1rodn\u00edch debat\u00e1ch. Politizace EU se dle Grandeho a Kriesiho v\u00a0posledn\u00edch letech zintenzivnila, nejv\u00edce prob\u00edh\u00e1 ve st\u00e1tech euroz\u00f3ny v\u00a0kontinent\u00e1ln\u00ed \u010d\u00e1sti Evropy. Ohledn\u011b budouc\u00ed politizace existuj\u00ed dva n\u00e1zory. Zaprv\u00e9, \u017ee povede k\u00a0mrtv\u00e9mu bodu, zejm\u00e9na kv\u016fli po\u017eadavk\u016fm na dosa\u017een\u00ed konsenzu v\u00a0evropsk\u00e9 politice, nebo \u017ee politizace krize euroz\u00f3ny vede k\u00a0nacionalistick\u00fdm tendenc\u00edm a k\u00a0pos\u00edlen\u00ed euroskepticismu uvnit\u0159 Unie.<\/p>\n

Od sp\u00edc\u00edho obra k\u00a0levo-prav\u00e9 politizaci? N\u00e1rodn\u00ed stranick\u00e1 sout\u011b\u017e o EU a eurokrizi<\/strong><\/p>\n

V\u00a0posledn\u00edch dek\u00e1d\u00e1ch hr\u00e1la evropsk\u00e1 t\u00e9mata podru\u017enou roli v\u00a0rozhodov\u00e1n\u00ed evropsk\u00fdch ob\u010dan\u016f p\u0159i volb\u00e1ch do n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f a ve stranick\u00e9 politice jednotliv\u00fdch \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f. EU byla dlouhou dobu popisov\u00e1na jako \u201esp\u00edc\u00ed obr\u201c. Ob\u010dan\u00e9 m\u011bli odli\u0161n\u00e9 pohledy na evropskou integraci, kter\u00e9 m\u011bly pouze nepatrn\u00fd vliv na jejich rozhodov\u00e1n\u00ed v\u00a0n\u00e1rodn\u00edch volb\u00e1ch. Stejn\u011b tak i n\u00e1rodn\u00ed strany projevovaly jen minim\u00e1ln\u00ed z\u00e1jem o evropsk\u00e1 t\u00e9mata v\u00a0n\u00e1rodn\u00ed diskuzi a p\u0159edvolebn\u00ed sout\u011b\u017ei. Tento nedostatek politizace vy\u00fastil v \u201epolicies without politics\u2018.<\/p>\n

V\u00a0posledn\u00ed dob\u011b je v\u0161ak mo\u017en\u00e9 pozorovat vzestup politizace v\u00a0r\u00e1mci evropsk\u00fdch ot\u00e1zek. Od p\u0159ijet\u00ed Maastrichtsk\u00e9 smlouvy je evropsk\u00e1 integrace konfrontov\u00e1na v\u00fdznamnou \u010d\u00e1st\u00ed evropsk\u00fdch voli\u010d\u016f. Kritick\u00e9 hlasy zazn\u00edvaj\u00ed od euroskeptick\u00fdch, \u010dasto pravicov\u00fdch populistick\u00fdch stran, kter\u00e9 napadaj\u00ed obvykle velmi pozitivn\u00ed postoj mainstreamov\u00fdch, neboli tradi\u010dn\u00edch proevropsk\u00fdch stran ideologick\u00e9ho st\u0159edu.<\/p>\n

U politick\u00fdch stran \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f osmadvac\u00edtky existuj\u00ed dv\u011b konfliktn\u00ed linie v\u00a0pohledu na evropskou integraci. Prvn\u00ed z\u00a0nich je konflikt mezi st\u0159edolev\u00fdmi a st\u0159edoprav\u00fdmi mainstreamov\u00fdmi stranami, kter\u00e9 se li\u0161\u00ed v\u00a0pohledu na evropskou integraci, resp. v\u00a0p\u0159edstav\u011b, jakou EU cht\u011bj\u00ed (svobodn\u00fd vs. regulovan\u00fd vnit\u0159n\u00ed trh). Druhou \u00farovn\u00ed konfliktu je pro- a anti-evropsk\u00fd postoj k\u00a0evropsk\u00e9 integraci. Podle Hoogheho a Markse (2008) dne\u0161n\u00ed konflikt v\u00a0pohledu na evropskou integraci prob\u00edh\u00e1 podle linie GAL-TAN, kdy zelen\u00e9\/alternativn\u00ed\/liber\u00e1ln\u00ed strany argumentuj\u00ed pro a tradi\u010dn\u00ed\/autorit\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9\/nacionalistick\u00e9 strany argumentuj\u00ed proti hlub\u0161\u00ed integraci.<\/p>\n

Finan\u010dn\u00ed podpora EU pro \u0158ecko zv\u00fd\u0161ila v\u00fdznamnost ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 a mezistranick\u00e9 debaty o EU. Krize euroz\u00f3ny tak zv\u00fd\u0161ila \u00farove\u0148 politizace. Do jak\u00e9 m\u00edry v\u0161ak ovlivnila jej\u00ed strukturu? Do jak\u00e9 m\u00edry krize p\u0159isp\u011bla k\u00a0levo-prav\u00e9mu konfliktu mezi hlavn\u00edmi stranami a jejich rozd\u00edln\u00e9mu n\u00e1zoru na unijn\u00ed politiku? \u010cl\u00e1nek zkoum\u00e1 debaty mezi stranami o krizi euroz\u00f3ny v\u00a0N\u011bmecku (zem\u011b s\u00a0pom\u011brn\u011b p\u0159\u00edzniv\u00fdmi podm\u00ednkami pro levo-pravou debatu) a v Rakousku (nep\u0159\u00edzniv\u00e9 podm\u00ednky).<\/p>\n

Podle Hixe mohou mainstreamov\u00e9 strany p\u0159ekonat svou nechu\u0165 k\u00a0ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 diskuzi o odli\u0161n\u00fdch n\u00e1zorech na EU pouze za p\u0159edpokladu, \u017ee \u010del\u00ed hlubok\u00e9 krizi. P\u0159ed finan\u010dn\u00ed kriz\u00ed se strany zdr\u00e1haly ve\u0159ejn\u011b diskutovat o r\u016fzn\u00fdch politick\u00fdch n\u00e1zorech na evropsk\u00e9 z\u00e1le\u017eitosti.<\/p>\n

Unijn\u00ed rozhodnut\u00ed spojen\u00e1 s\u00a0finan\u010dn\u00ed a dluhovou kriz\u00ed (nap\u0159. finan\u010dn\u00ed podpora \u0158ecka, opat\u0159en\u00ed evropsk\u00e9ho stabiliza\u010dn\u00edho mechanismu nebo fisk\u00e1ln\u00edho kompaktu) vzbudila ve\u0159ejnou debatu a medi\u00e1ln\u00ed pozornost, kter\u00e1 vy\u00fastila v\u00a0protest ve\u0159ejnosti v\u00a0mnoha \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1tech. Opat\u0159en\u00ed p\u0159ijat\u00e1 v r\u00e1mci\u00a0\u0159e\u0161en\u00ed t\u00e9to krize m\u011bla v\u00fdznamn\u00fd vliv na v\u00fdsledky r\u016fzn\u00fdch n\u00e1rodn\u00edch voleb, \u010dasto s\u00a0v\u00fdsledkem n\u00e1r\u016fstu popularity euroskeptick\u00fdch stran.<\/p>\n

Mainstreamov\u00e9 strany, na rozd\u00edl od men\u0161\u00edch stran na ideologick\u00e9m okraji, jsou zn\u00e1my t\u00edm, \u017ee maj\u00ed v\u00edce pozitivn\u00ed pohled na EU ne\u017e jejich voli\u010di. Propast m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed, kdy\u017e dojde na krizi a protest s\u00a0t\u00edm spojen\u00fd. Tyto pravicov\u00e9 a levicov\u00e9 strany maj\u00ed zpravidla odli\u0161n\u00e9 n\u00e1zory na to, jak\u00e9 ot\u00e1zky maj\u00ed b\u00fdt \u0159e\u0161eny na \u00farovni EU a jak\u00e9 ne, tedy maj\u00ed odli\u0161n\u00fd n\u00e1zor na to, jak by krize m\u011bla b\u00fdt \u0159e\u0161ena (\u00fasporn\u00e1 opat\u0159en\u00ed vs. deficitn\u00ed v\u00fddaje). Tyto strany se v\u0161ak sp\u00ed\u0161e zam\u011b\u0159uj\u00ed na konkr\u00e9tn\u00ed legislativn\u00ed n\u00e1vrhy ne\u017e na obecn\u00e1 unijn\u00ed t\u00e9mata, u nich\u017e reflektuj\u00ed \u010dasto st\u0159edov\u00fd kompromis, kter\u00fd integruje z\u00e1jmy a obavy st\u0159edopravicov\u00fdch a st\u0159edolevicov\u00fdch stran. V\u00fdsledkem toho je jen minim\u00e1ln\u00ed stimul ke konfliktu na pravolev\u00e9 \u00farovni. Tyto rozd\u00edly jsou st\u00edr\u00e1ny z\u00a0d\u016fvodu v\u00fdhodnosti spole\u010dn\u00e9ho postoje vymezuj\u00edc\u00edho se proti euroskeptick\u00fdm stran\u00e1m, kter\u00e9 zpravidla odm\u00edtaj\u00ed v\u0161echna opat\u0159en\u00ed vych\u00e1zej\u00edc\u00ed z \u00farovn\u011b EU.<\/p>\n

Rozd\u00edly v\u00a0postoji k\u00a0evropsk\u00e9 integraci mezi mainstreamov\u00fdmi stranami a jejich potenci\u00e1ln\u00edmi voli\u010di jsou v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed v\u00a0Rakousku ne\u017e v\u00a0N\u011bmecku. Zat\u00edmco pozice stran v\u00a0postoji k\u00a0EU velk\u00fdch mainstremov\u00fdch stran obou zem\u00ed (SP\u00d6, \u00d6VP v\u00a0Rakousku, CDU\/CSU a SPD v\u00a0N\u011bmecku) jsou t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 identick\u00e9, ve\u0159ejn\u00fd postoj k EU je mnohem v\u00edce pozitivn\u00ed v\u00a0N\u011bmecku. Pod\u00edl parlamentn\u00edch k\u0159esel obsazen\u00fd euroskeptick\u00fdmi stranami je mnohem vy\u0161\u0161\u00ed v Rakousku. Zat\u00edmco v rakousk\u00e9 N\u00e1rodn\u00ed rad\u011b (2008-2013) kolem 30 % k\u0159esel dr\u017eely strany, kter\u00e9 se klasifikovaly samy jako euroskeptick\u00e9 (FP\u00d6 a BZ\u00d6), v\u00a0n\u011bmeck\u00e9m Bundestagu \u017e\u00e1dn\u00e9 euroskeptick\u00e9 strany nejsou. P\u0159edpoklady k\u00a0ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 debat\u011b mezi mainstreamov\u00fdmi stranami jsou lep\u0161\u00ed v\u00a0N\u011bmecku ne\u017e v Rakousku. Pravolev\u00e1 politika hraje v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed roli v\u00a0N\u011bmecku ne\u017e v\u00a0Rakousku.<\/p>\n

Legislativn\u00ed n\u00e1vrhy p\u0159ich\u00e1zej\u00edc\u00ed z\u00a0EU v\u00a0reakci na finan\u010dn\u00ed krizi byly soci\u00e1ln\u00edmi demokraty, k\u0159es\u0165ansk\u00fdmi demokraty, zelen\u00fdmi a n\u011bmeckou liber\u00e1ln\u00ed stranou vn\u00edm\u00e1ny jako jedin\u00fd zp\u016fsob, jak zachr\u00e1nit evropsk\u00fd projekt. Opozice tato opat\u0159en\u00ed vn\u00edmala jako ideologicky druhotn\u00e1 (die Linke – N\u011bmecko, FP\u00d6 a BZ\u00d6 –\u00a0Rakousko).<\/p>\n

Levo-prav\u00fd konflikt byl p\u0159\u00edtomen v\u00a0obou parlamentech. St\u0159edoprav\u00e1 CDU\/CSU, FDP a \u00d6VP argumentovaly ve prosp\u011bch finan\u010dn\u00ed stability a konsolidace rozpo\u010dtu, st\u0159edolev\u00e9 SPD, SP\u00d6, Zelen\u00ed a die Linke spole\u010dn\u011b vyzvaly k\u00a0p\u0159\u00edsn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed regulaci finan\u010dn\u00edho sektoru, k v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed m\u00ed\u0159e \u00fa\u010dasti soukrom\u00fdch dlu\u017en\u00edk\u016f a dal\u0161\u00edmu pror\u016fstov\u00e9mu krizov\u00e9mu managementu. V\u00a0Rakousku byla jedn\u00e1n\u00ed jasn\u011b pod\u0159\u00edzena pro- a anti- evropsk\u00e9mu konfliktu rozd\u011bluj\u00edc\u00edmu SP\u00d6, \u00d6VP a Zelen\u00e9, kter\u00e9 br\u00e1nily fisk\u00e1ln\u00ed integraci a m\u011bnovou unii na jedn\u00e9 stran\u011b a FP\u00d6 a BZ\u00d6 volaj\u00edc\u00ed p\u0159inejmen\u0161\u00edm po \u010d\u00e1ste\u010dn\u00e9m rozkladu nebo rozd\u011blen\u00ed euroz\u00f3ny na stran\u011b druh\u00e9. Tento konflikt pro- a anti- EU zcela chyb\u00ed ve Spolkov\u00e9m sn\u011bmu. Zde se die Linke rozhodla nebr\u00e1nit euro nebo fisk\u00e1ln\u00ed integraci sama o sob\u011b, ale vyz\u00fdvala k\u00a0reform\u011b a je\u0161t\u011b v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed integraci.<\/p>\n

Volebn\u00ed debaty mezi kandid\u00e1ty CDU\/CSU a SPD v\u00a0N\u011bmecku: Rozd\u00edln\u00e9 n\u00e1zory na \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed krize. Oba se shodli, \u017ee v\u00edce pen\u011bz pro \u0158ecko m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt v\u00a0budoucnu nutn\u00e9, problematick\u00e9 bylo, jak maj\u00ed b\u00fdt tyto pen\u00edze pou\u017eity. Zda m\u00e1 EU pokra\u010dovat v\u00a0p\u0159\u00edsn\u00e9 konsolidaci a \u00fasporn\u00fdch opat\u0159en\u00edch \u0159eck\u00e9ho rozpo\u010dtu, nebo zda by tyto politiky m\u011bly b\u00fdt dopln\u011bny o v\u00edce pror\u016fstov\u00e1 opat\u0159en\u00ed.<\/p>\n

Volebn\u00ed debaty mezi SP\u00d6 a \u00d6VP: Kandid\u00e1ti spole\u010dn\u011b br\u00e1nili opat\u0159en\u00ed p\u0159ijat\u00e1 EU, na kter\u00fdch se absolutn\u011b shodli. Jejich argumentace z\u016fstala na velmi obecn\u00e9 \u00farovni a vz\u00e1jemn\u011b se nenapadali.<\/p>\n

Krize euroz\u00f3ny byla viditeln\u00e1 v\u00a0obou zem\u00edch. Mezi mainstreamov\u00fdmi stranami zazn\u00edvaly odli\u0161n\u00e9 n\u00e1zory, jak by m\u011bla b\u00fdt \u0159e\u0161ena. Tyto rozd\u00edly hraj\u00ed v\u00fdznamnou roli v\u00a0N\u011bmecku. V\u00a0Rakousku lze nal\u00e9zt ur\u010dit\u00e9 rozd\u00edly mezi t\u011bmito stranami, nicm\u00e9n\u011b byly upozad\u011bny konfliktem mezi mainstreamov\u00fdmi a euroskeptick\u00fdmi stranami. Proto hlavn\u00ed strany v\u00a0Rakousku p\u0159ijaly opat\u0159en\u00ed na z\u00e1chranu euroz\u00f3ny.<\/p>\n

T\u00e9mata jako finan\u010dn\u00ed krize pravd\u011bpodobn\u011b vy\u00fast\u00ed v\u00a0re\u00e1lnou levo-pravou politiku pouze v\u00a0t\u011bch n\u011bkolika zem\u00edch, kde v\u00fdznamnost t\u00e9matu nep\u0159ev\u00e1\u017e\u00ed r\u00e1mcov\u00e9 podm\u00ednky mainstreamov\u00fdch stran, kter\u00e9 neprezentuj\u00ed odli\u0161n\u00e9 n\u00e1zory v\u00a0evropsk\u00fdch ot\u00e1zk\u00e1ch v\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b, \u017ee ve\u0159ejnost je v\u00edce kritick\u00e1 k\u00a0EU ne\u017e tyto strany, tedy pokud je v\u00a0parlamentu p\u0159\u00edtomna euroskeptick\u00e1 strana postr\u00e1daj\u00ed mainstreamov\u00e9 strany mezi sebou\u00a0motivaci prezentovat rozd\u00edln\u00fd pohled na evropsk\u00e1 t\u00e9mata.<\/p>\n

Evropsk\u00e9 volby jako volby druh\u00e9ho \u0159\u00e1du: m\u011bn\u00ed se stereotypy?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Volby do Evropsk\u00e9ho parlamentu (EP) b\u00fdvaj\u00ed z\u00a0n\u011bkolika d\u016fvod\u016f ozna\u010dov\u00e1ny za tzv. volby druh\u00e9ho \u0159\u00e1du. Nej\u010dast\u011bji akcentovan\u00e1 od\u016fvodn\u011bn\u00ed jsou zpravidla n\u00edzk\u00e1 volebn\u00ed \u00fa\u010dast, kter\u00e1 m\u00e1 v\u00a0pr\u016fb\u011bhu let klesaj\u00edc\u00ed charakter, d\u00e1le existence euroskeptick\u00e9ho proudu zpochyb\u0148uj\u00edc\u00ed relevanci EP a kritizuj\u00edc\u00ed jeho malou propojenost s\u00a0exekutivou a v\u00a0neposledn\u00ed \u0159ad\u011b tak\u00e9 dominuj\u00edc\u00ed dom\u00e1c\u00ed t\u00e9mata v\u00a0r\u00e1mci p\u0159edvolebn\u00ed kampan\u011b. \u010cast\u00fdm argumentem tak\u00e9 je neexistence tzv. evropsk\u00e9ho demos, tedy vzd\u00e1lenost EU a jej\u00edch ob\u010dan\u016f. Ot\u00e1zkou z\u016fst\u00e1v\u00e1, zda m\u016f\u017eeme nad\u00e1le evropsk\u00e9 volby klasifikovat jako volby druh\u00e9ho \u0159\u00e1du, zejm\u00e9na pot\u00e9, co politick\u00e9 strany letos p\u0159edstavily syst\u00e9m tzv. Spitzenkandidaten, kter\u00fd m\u011bl ve v\u011bt\u0161in\u011b \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f zna\u010dn\u00fd dopad na p\u0159edvolebn\u00ed kampa\u0148, a tak\u00e9 na zvolen\u00ed nov\u00e9ho p\u0159edsedy Evropsk\u00e9 komise (EK).<\/p>\n

Pod\u00edv\u00e1me-li se na prvn\u00ed argument hovo\u0159\u00edc\u00ed ve prosp\u011bch ozna\u010den\u00ed druho\u0159ad\u00fdch voleb, tedy n\u00edzkou volebn\u00ed \u00fa\u010dast, zjist\u00edme, \u017ee nen\u00ed ni\u017e\u0161\u00ed ne\u017e nap\u0159\u00edklad u voleb do doln\u00ed komory Kongresu Spojen\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f. Sn\u00ed\u017een\u00ed volebn\u00ed \u00fa\u010dasti o 19% b\u011bhem t\u0159icetilet\u00e9ho obdob\u00ed je nav\u00edc ni\u017e\u0161\u00ed ne\u017e u n\u00e1rodn\u00edch voleb v\u00a0\u0161estn\u00e1cti \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1tech EU. Postaven\u00ed EP se nav\u00edc b\u011bhem t\u0159iceti let radik\u00e1ln\u011b zm\u011bnilo. Oproti d\u0159\u00edv\u011bj\u0161\u00edmu konzultativn\u00edmu org\u00e1nu je dnes pln\u011b zapojen do rozhodovac\u00edch proces\u016f a schvalovac\u00edch procedur v\u010detn\u011b volby \u010deln\u00edch post\u016f v\u00a0EU.<\/p>\n

Pravdou je, \u017ee dom\u00e1c\u00ed t\u00e9mata dominuj\u00ed nad t\u00e9maty evropsk\u00fdmi, a to jak v\u00a0kampan\u00edch, tak v\u00a0m\u00e9di\u00edch. \u010cesk\u00e9 strany si nicm\u00e9n\u011b evropsk\u00e9 postoje vytv\u00e1\u0159\u00ed d\u00edky \u010dlenstv\u00ed v\u00a0evropsk\u00fdch politick\u00fdch stran\u00e1ch. Nav\u00edc, pod\u00edv\u00e1me-li se na leto\u0161n\u00ed kv\u011btnov\u00e9 volby, evropsk\u00e1 t\u00e9mata resonovala daleko v\u00edce, ne\u017e v\u00a0minulosti.<\/p>\n

Co se t\u00fdk\u00e1 teze o neexistuj\u00edc\u00edm evropsk\u00e9m demos, je nutn\u00e9 tuto tezi v\u00edce specifikovat. Pokud ji ch\u00e1peme tak, \u017ee evropsk\u00e9 instituce jsou p\u0159\u00edli\u0161 vzd\u00e1len\u00e9 ob\u010dan\u016fm ve srovn\u00e1n\u00ed s\u00a0institucemi n\u00e1rodn\u00edmi, pak je toto tvrzen\u00ed pravdiv\u00e9. Pokud nicm\u00e9n\u011b cht\u011bj\u00ed m\u00edt st\u00e1ty vliv na t\u00e9mata na evropsk\u00e9 \u00farovni, je nutn\u00e9 z\u0159\u00eddit stejn\u00e9 demokratick\u00e9 postupy tak, jako je tomu na n\u00e1rodn\u00ed \u00farovni, d\u00edky \u010demu\u017e doch\u00e1z\u00ed k\u00a0zapojen\u00ed ve\u0159ejnosti, politick\u00fdch stran, z\u00e1jmov\u00fdch skupin a nevl\u00e1dn\u00edch organizac\u00ed a tedy k jejich p\u0159ibli\u017eov\u00e1n\u00ed se EU.<\/p>\n

Zm\u011bnou bylo pro evropsk\u00e9 volby p\u0159ijet\u00ed Lisabonsk\u00e9 smlouvy, kter\u00e1 upravuje proceduru v\u00fdb\u011bru p\u0159edsedy EK. Ten je jmenov\u00e1n Evropskou radou, kter\u00e1 mus\u00ed p\u0159i v\u00fdb\u011bru ct\u00edt v\u00fdsledky voleb do EP a v\u00e9st s\u00a0n\u00edm n\u00e1sledn\u00e9 konzultace ohledn\u011b budouc\u00edho p\u0159edsedy. Dle n\u011bkter\u00fdch se tato nominace podob\u00e1 vnitrost\u00e1tn\u00ed nominaci premi\u00e9ra, kter\u00e9ho po volb\u00e1ch navrhuje prezident. Evropsk\u00e9 strany se proto letos rozhodly v\u00a0r\u00e1mci sv\u00e9 kampan\u011b p\u0159edstavit v\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b v\u00edt\u011bzstv\u00ed sv\u00e9ho kandid\u00e1ta na p\u0159edsedu EK. Tito kandid\u00e1ti nav\u00edc nebyli vyb\u00edr\u00e1ni skupinami europoslanc\u016f, ale nadn\u00e1rodn\u00edmi politick\u00fdmi stranami. Nap\u0159\u00edklad nov\u011b zvolen\u00fd p\u0159edseda Komise Jean Claude Juncker byl zvolen na dublinsk\u00e9mu kongresu za p\u0159\u00edtomnosti hlav evropsk\u00fdch vl\u00e1d.<\/p>\n

P\u0159esto\u017ee mnoho voli\u010d\u016f pova\u017euje evropsk\u00e9 volby nad\u00e1le za volby druh\u00e9ho \u0159\u00e1du, jejich d\u016fle\u017eitost roste. P\u0159\u00edkladem m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt nap\u0159\u00edklad syst\u00e9m Spitzenkandidaten a jeho vliv na nov\u00e9ho p\u0159edsedu EK. Je nicm\u00e9n\u011b t\u011b\u017ek\u00e9 hodnotit dopady tohoto nov\u00e9ho syst\u00e9mu tak kr\u00e1tce po jeho zaveden\u00ed. D\u00e1 se o\u010dek\u00e1vat, \u017ee nebude m\u00edt napoprv\u00e9 odezvu od \u0161irok\u00e9 ve\u0159ejnosti ve v\u011bt\u0161in\u011b \u010dlensk\u00fdch zem\u00ed, jeho vliv v\u0161ak m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt viditeln\u00fd v\u00a0budoucnu.<\/p>\n

N\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty b\u011bhem eurokrize: Jsou pora\u017eenci integrace st\u00e1le schopni odpl\u00e1cet palbu?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Proces evropsk\u00e9 integrace m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt od sv\u00e9ho po\u010d\u00e1tku vn\u00edm\u00e1n jako hrozba pro n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty, kter\u00e9 pomalu ztr\u00e1cely svou legislativn\u00ed \u00falohu ve prosp\u011bch nadn\u00e1rodn\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 \u00farovn\u011b. P\u0159ijet\u00edm Lisabonsk\u00e9 smlouvy se tento proces obr\u00e1til, n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty maj\u00ed explicitn\u00ed roli v\u00a0legislativn\u00edm procesu EU jako ochr\u00e1nci z\u00e1sady subsidiarity. Krize euroz\u00f3ny zpochybnila kontroln\u00ed syst\u00e9my n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f. N\u00e1stroje na \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed ekonomick\u00e9 krize byly z\u0159\u00edzeny v\u00a0r\u00e1mci krizov\u00e9ho \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed na b\u00e1zi mezivl\u00e1dn\u00edch smluv mimo pr\u00e1vn\u00ed r\u00e1mec EU, \u010d\u00edm\u017e byla oslabena participa\u010dn\u00ed pr\u00e1va parlament\u016f. Dok\u00e1zaly se n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty zapojit do krizov\u00e9ho \u0159\u00edzen\u00ed EU? Li\u0161ila se jejich kontroln\u00ed \u010dinnost v\u00a0souvislosti s\u00a0kriz\u00ed od jin\u00fdch z\u00e1le\u017eitost\u00ed spojen\u00fdch s\u00a0Uni\u00ed?<\/p>\n

Z\u00a0kvantitativn\u00edho souboru dat o form\u00e1ln\u00ed parlamentn\u00ed \u010dinnosti v\u00a0\u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1tech Unie v\u00a0letech 2010 a\u017e 2012 vypl\u00fdv\u00e1, \u017ee ekonomick\u00e1 krize v\u00fdznamn\u011b ovlivnila \u010dinnost n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f. Vzhledem k\u00a0tomu, \u017ee datov\u00fd soubor neumo\u017e\u0148uje srovnat parlamentn\u00ed \u010dinnosti p\u0159ed rokem 2010, nen\u00ed zcela jasn\u00e9, zda byly n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty v\u00edce aktivn\u00ed v\u00a0\u0159e\u0161en\u00ed krize ve srovn\u00e1n\u00ed s\u00a0jin\u00fdmi ot\u00e1zkami t\u00fdkaj\u00edc\u00edmi se EU, nebo\u0165 v\u00a0t\u00e9to dob\u011b se krize stala dominantn\u00edm evropsk\u00fdm t\u00e9matem. Nicm\u00e9n\u011b podle n\u011bkter\u00fdch studi\u00ed, krize opravdu vedla k\u00a0v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed politizaci ot\u00e1zek EU v\u00a0n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlamentech. Ze zkoum\u00e1n\u00ed \u010dinnost\u00ed parlament\u016f je tak\u00e9 patrn\u00e9, \u017ee existuje velk\u00fd rozd\u00edl mezi nejaktivn\u011bj\u0161\u00edmi a nejslab\u0161\u00edmi parlamenty v\u00a0r\u00e1mci sedmadvac\u00edtky, nejm\u00e9n\u011b aktivn\u00ed pak byly s\u00a0v\u00fdjimkou parlamentu \u010cR st\u00e1ty, kter\u00e9 zat\u00edm nep\u0159ijaly euro.<\/p>\n

Krizov\u00e9 \u0159\u00edzen\u00ed do ur\u010dit\u00e9 m\u00edry znev\u00fdhod\u0148uje kontroln\u00ed funkce n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f (\u0159\u00edzen\u00ed v\u00a0\u010dasov\u00e9 t\u00edsni, dominance exekutivy, mimosmluvn\u00ed dohody, apod.). \u010clensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty v\u0161ak dok\u00e1zaly zareagovat, nebo\u0165 protikrizov\u00e1 opat\u0159en\u00ed si vy\u017e\u00e1dala zna\u010dn\u00fd po\u010det sm\u011brnic a na\u0159\u00edzen\u00ed z\u00a0EU, kter\u00fdmi se n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty zab\u00fdvaly v\u00a0r\u00e1mci sv\u00fdch obvykl\u00fdch kontroln\u00edch postup\u016f. \u0158ada parlament\u016f si nav\u00edc vyvinula zvl\u00e1\u0161tn\u00ed institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed postupy (nap\u0159\u00edklad z\u0159\u00edzen\u00ed specializovan\u00fdch st\u00e1l\u00fdch v\u00fdbor\u016f), kter\u00e9 usnad\u0148ovaly kontrolu protikrizov\u00fdch opat\u0159en\u00ed. N\u011bkter\u00e9 z nejd\u016fle\u017eit\u011bj\u0161\u00edch mechanism\u016f v\u00a0boji proti krizi maj\u00ed dopad na z\u00e1kladn\u00ed parlamentn\u00ed pravomoci \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f. To lze ilustrovat fisk\u00e1ln\u00edm paktem, kter\u00fd m\u00e1 pomoci konsolidovat rozpo\u010dty, \u010d\u00edm\u017e v\u0161ak zasahuje do jedn\u00e9 z\u00a0nejd\u016fle\u017eit\u011bj\u0161\u00edch v\u00fdsad parlament\u016f \u2013 rozpo\u010dtov\u00e9 suverenity. I p\u0159es tyto z\u00e1sahy do parlamentn\u00edch pravomoc\u00ed \u010dlensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty jen z\u0159\u00eddka vyj\u00e1d\u0159ily obavy ohledn\u011b ot\u00e1zky subsidiarity.<\/p>\n

Integrace bez zastoupen\u00ed? Evropsk\u00fd parlament a reforma ekonomick\u00e9ho vl\u00e1dnut\u00ed v EU<\/strong><\/p>\n

Lisabonsk\u00e1 smlouva je pova\u017eov\u00e1na za v\u00edt\u011bzstv\u00ed Evropsk\u00e9ho parlamentu. Hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e1 a finan\u010dn\u00ed krize p\u0159inesla reformu re\u017eimu ekonomick\u00e9ho vl\u00e1dnut\u00ed EU, kter\u00e9ho se uj\u00edmaj\u00ed zmocn\u011bn\u00e9 vl\u00e1dy a nadn\u00e1rodn\u00ed instituce \u2013 Komise a Evropsk\u00e1 centr\u00e1ln\u00ed banka na \u00fakor Evropsk\u00e9ho parlamentu a parlament\u016f n\u00e1rodn\u00edch. \u010cl\u00e1nek lav\u00edruje mezi hled\u00e1n\u00edm legitimity a argumenty meziinstitucion\u00e1ln\u00edho vyjedn\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00ed, kter\u00e9 byly v\u00a0minulosti u\u017eity pro roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00ed pravomoc\u00ed EP. V\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b Jednotn\u00e9ho kontroln\u00edho mechanismu byl EP v\u00a0nav\u00fd\u0161en\u00ed institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed pravomoc\u00ed \u00fasp\u011b\u0161n\u00fd, v\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b Troiky a Evropsk\u00e9ho stabiliza\u010dn\u00edho mechanismu (ESM) \u010delil nep\u0159ekonateln\u00fdm p\u0159ek\u00e1\u017ek\u00e1m.<\/p>\n

Lisabonsk\u00e1 smlouva je sice pova\u017eovan\u00e1 za v\u00edt\u011bzstv\u00ed EP, kter\u00e9mu byly roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159eny pravomoci, ale tak\u00e9 p\u0159ibl\u00ed\u017eila n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty bl\u00ed\u017ee k\u00a0rozhodovac\u00edmu procesu EU. V\u00a0d\u016fsledku krize eura, kter\u00e1 p\u0159inesla \u0159adu opat\u0159en\u00ed zam\u011b\u0159en\u00fdch na reformu fisk\u00e1ln\u00ed a ekonomick\u00e9 architektury vl\u00e1dnut\u00ed, byla v\u0161ak EU kritizov\u00e1na, \u017ee tyto pravomoci n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f a EP podkop\u00e1v\u00e1.<\/p>\n

Smlouva o stabilit\u011b, koordinaci a spr\u00e1v\u011b v\u00a0hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9 a m\u011bnov\u00e9 unii a Smlouva o Evropsk\u00e9m stabiliza\u010dn\u00edm mechanismu jsou mezivl\u00e1dn\u00ed smlouvy podle ve\u0159ejn\u00e9ho mezin\u00e1rodn\u00edho pr\u00e1va, nikoli pr\u00e1va EU. ESM zav\u00e1d\u00ed syst\u00e9m permanentn\u00ed finan\u010dn\u00ed pomoci mezi \u010dlensk\u00fdmi st\u00e1ty EU, c\u00edlem fisk\u00e1ln\u00edho kompaktu je pak pos\u00edlit fisk\u00e1ln\u00ed discipl\u00ednu mezi \u010dleny euroz\u00f3ny. V\u00a0r\u00e1mci obou smluv je funkce EP pouze informa\u010dn\u00ed a konzulta\u010dn\u00ed \u2013 fisk\u00e1ln\u00ed kompakt vyz\u00fdv\u00e1 k\u00a0vytvo\u0159en\u00ed diskusn\u00ed platformy \u010dlen\u016f EP a n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f v\u00a0ot\u00e1zk\u00e1ch jeho prov\u00e1d\u011bn\u00ed, dialog je i sou\u010d\u00e1st\u00ed tzv. six-pack, kter\u00fd umo\u017e\u0148uje EP vyzvat Radu a Komisi k\u00a0pod\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00ed zpr\u00e1v. EP je tak ud\u011blena pouze mal\u00e1 role v\u00a0makroekonomick\u00e9m dohledu.<\/p>\n

Mezivl\u00e1dn\u011b ustanoven\u00e1 rada ESM disponuje takt\u00e9\u017e \u0161irokou posuzovac\u00ed pravomoc\u00ed p\u0159i v\u00fdkonu sv\u00e9ho mand\u00e1tu, neexistuj\u00ed v\u0161ak \u017e\u00e1dn\u00e9 form\u00e1ln\u00ed po\u017eadavky na pod\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00ed zpr\u00e1v EP. EP tak m\u016f\u017ee vykon\u00e1vat demokratickou kontrolou pouze nep\u0159\u00edmo prost\u0159ednictv\u00edm demokratick\u00e9 kontroly Komise, kter\u00e1 je povinna ve vztahu k\u00a0ostatn\u00edm instituc\u00edm poskytovat na vy\u017e\u00e1d\u00e1n\u00ed informace. Makroekonomick\u00e1 koordinace ekonomik euroz\u00f3ny je tak v\u00a0rukou vl\u00e1d (a jejich n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f), p\u0159i\u010dem\u017e Komise m\u00e1 kontroln\u00ed roli. T\u00edm se podtrhuje kritika t\u011bch, kte\u0159\u00ed spat\u0159uj\u00ed v\u00a0prohlubov\u00e1n\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 integrace cestu k\u00a0exekutivn\u00edmu federalismu, kter\u00fd oslabuje princip zastupitelsk\u00e9 demokracie.<\/p>\n

\u010clensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty a instituce EU sd\u00edlej\u00ed z\u00e1vazek ct\u00edt a prosazovat liber\u00e1ln\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 normy (lidsk\u00e1 pr\u00e1va, pr\u00e1vn\u00ed st\u00e1t, zastupitelsk\u00e1 demokracie aj.). Chov\u00e1n\u00ed t\u011bchto subjekt\u016f EU je omezeno legitimitou zalo\u017eenou na dodr\u017eov\u00e1n\u00ed t\u011bchto liber\u00e1ln\u00edch demokratick\u00fdch norem. Role EP v\u00a0rozhodovac\u00edm procesu se pravd\u011bpodobn\u011b projev\u00ed v\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b, \u017ee dal\u0161\u00ed integrace ovlivn\u00ed institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed strukturu EU takov\u00fdm zp\u016fsobem, \u017ee ohroz\u00ed konstitutivn\u00ed liber\u00e1ln\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 hodnoty Unie. V\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b, \u017ee je roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159eno v\u011bt\u0161inov\u00e9 hlasov\u00e1n\u00ed nebo exekutivn\u00ed moc, doch\u00e1z\u00ed k\u00a0naru\u0161en\u00ed legitimity, nebo\u0165 \u0159et\u011bzec odpov\u011bdnosti spojuj\u00edc\u00ed exekutivu, n\u00e1rodn\u00ed parlamenty a voli\u010de je naru\u0161en a je tak oslaben princip zastupitelsk\u00e9 demokracie (odtud \u017e\u00e1dn\u00e1 integrace bez zastoupen\u00ed).<\/p>\n

V\u00a0pr\u016fb\u011bhu evropsk\u00e9 integrace byl EP schopen mnohokr\u00e1t efektivn\u011b vyu\u017e\u00edvat mezery ve smlouv\u00e1ch a vytv\u00e1\u0159et vlastn\u00ed interpretace pravidel. Legislativn\u00ed rozd\u011blen\u00ed moci mezi Komis\u00ed, Radou a EP bylo upraveno ve prosp\u011bch EP zejm\u00e9na v\u00a0d\u016fsledku asymetricky distribuovan\u00e9 vyjedn\u00e1vac\u00ed s\u00edly v\u00a0legislativn\u00edm procesu. Zat\u00edmco EP m\u00e1 chu\u0165 sv\u00e9 institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed pravomoci roz\u0161i\u0159ovat, \u010dlensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty se zaj\u00edmaj\u00ed o dodr\u017eov\u00e1n\u00ed institucion\u00e1ln\u00edho status quo: \u010casov\u00fd horizont k\u00a0prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed sv\u00fdch c\u00edl\u016f m\u00e1 EP p\u011btilet\u00fd, oproti d\u00e9lce p\u0159edsednictv\u00ed v\u00a0Rad\u011b a \u010dlen\u016f Rady, co\u017e umo\u017e\u0148uje EP ohro\u017eovat \u010dlensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty obstrukcemi politick\u00fdch n\u00e1vrh\u016f \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f. EP m\u016f\u017ee br\u00e1nit p\u0159ij\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed pr\u00e1vn\u00edch p\u0159edpis\u016f, p\u0159ijet\u00ed rozpo\u010dtu atd.<\/p>\n

Hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e1 a finan\u010dn\u00ed krize z\u00e1sadn\u011b zm\u011bnila dlouholetou logiku a praxi parlamentarizace EU. EP v\u017edy dok\u00e1zal uplat\u0148ovat svou institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed zainteresovanost t\u00edm, \u017ee vytv\u00e1\u0159el normativn\u00ed tlak a vyu\u017eil institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed vyjedn\u00e1vac\u00ed prost\u0159edky k\u00a0pos\u00edlen\u00ed sv\u00fdch vlastn\u00edch pravomoc\u00ed, nejv\u00edce je to v\u0161ak patrn\u00e9 pr\u00e1v\u011b po vypuknut\u00ed krize. V\u00a0situac\u00edch, kdy EP disponuje rozhodovac\u00ed pravomoc\u00ed, jako v\u00a0p\u0159\u00edpad\u011b Jednotn\u00e9ho kontroln\u00edho mechanismu (SSM), je schopen vydob\u00fdt si institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed \u00fastupky ze strany \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f a prosazovat sv\u00e9 pravomoci snadn\u011bji ne\u017e v\u00a0kontextu, kdy pravomoci vych\u00e1zej\u00edc\u00ed ze Smlouvy chyb\u00ed. EP vyv\u00edj\u00ed normativn\u00ed tlak, kter\u00fd je nej\u00fa\u010dinn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed tehdy, kdy\u017e odp\u016frci v\u00edce nadn\u00e1rodn\u00edho parlamentarismu neum\u011bj\u00ed v\u011brohodn\u011b pop\u0159\u00edt tvrzen\u00ed, \u017ee integrace oslabuje \u00farove\u0148 legitimity EU. Zaveden\u00edm Evropsk\u00e9ho stabiliza\u010dn\u00edho mechanismu zapo\u010dala bitva o uplat\u0148ov\u00e1n\u00ed standardu legitimity: Poslanci EP spat\u0159ovali demokratick\u00fd deficit v\u00a0p\u0159\u00edli\u0161 vysok\u00fdch exekutivn\u00edch pravomoc\u00edch a n\u00edzk\u00e9 demokratick\u00e9 odpov\u011bdnosti Troiky \u2013 vl\u00e1dy \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f, Komise i Evropsk\u00e1 centr\u00e1ln\u00ed banka sm\u011ble tvrdily, \u017ee \u0159et\u011bzec odpov\u011bdnosti je neporu\u0161en\u00fd a autoritu nesou vl\u00e1dy, kter\u00e9 jsou v\u00a0kone\u010dn\u00e9m d\u016fsledku odpov\u011bdn\u00e9 n\u00e1rodn\u00edm parlament\u016fm a voli\u010d\u016fm. EP v\u0161ak zpochyb\u0148uje v\u00fdhradn\u00ed platnost a form\u00e1ln\u00ed legislativn\u00ed r\u00e1mec odpov\u011bdnosti \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f a Troiky argumentac\u00ed, \u017ee procesn\u00ed legitimita se neobejde bez soci\u00e1ln\u00ed legitimity. Nest\u00e1lost soci\u00e1ln\u00ed legitimity ESM a Troiky se odr\u00e1\u017e\u00ed i v\u00a0kritice ve\u0159ejnosti a m\u00e9di\u00ed. Skute\u010dnost, \u017ee EP je nyn\u00ed informov\u00e1n o opat\u0159en\u00edch ESM a \u017ee instituce Troiky je st\u00e1le ve h\u0159e, znamen\u00e1, \u017ee pouh\u00e1 form\u00e1ln\u00ed obrana unijn\u00edch standard\u016f legitimity nemus\u00ed v\u00a0budoucnu sta\u010dit.<\/p>\n

Z\u00e1v\u011br<\/strong><\/p>\n

Jednotliv\u00e9 p\u0159\u00edsp\u011bvky sympozia poukazuj\u00ed na odli\u0161n\u00e9 aspekty demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu ve sv\u011btle krize, dohromady v\u0161ak vytv\u00e1\u0159\u00ed obraz celkov\u00e9ho dopadu sou\u010dasn\u00e9 ekonomick\u00e9 krize na vn\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 legitimity Unie. Sympozium vzhledem k aktu\u00e1lnosti zkouman\u00e9 problematiky nab\u00edz\u00ed pouze p\u0159edb\u011b\u017en\u00e9 posouzen\u00ed vlivu ekonomick\u00e9 krize na demokrati\u010dnost EU, p\u0159esto p\u0159edlo\u017een\u00e9 anal\u00fdzy zpochyb\u0148uj\u00ed n\u011bkter\u00e9 konven\u010dn\u00ed moudrosti vztahuj\u00edc\u00ed se na demokratick\u00fd deficit Unie.<\/p>\n

\u010clensk\u00e9 st\u00e1ty v\u00a0boji proti ekonomick\u00e9 krizi s\u00e1hly k\u00a0opat\u0159en\u00edm, kter\u00e1 vedou ke zpochybn\u011bn\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 legitimity EU. Krize euroz\u00f3ny vedla Unii k\u00a0z\u00e1sah\u016fm do oblast\u00ed, kter\u00e9 n\u00e1le\u017e\u00ed v\u00fdhradn\u011b \u010dlensk\u00fdm st\u00e1t\u016fm a n\u011bkter\u00e9 z\u00a0mechanism\u016f v\u00a0boji proti krizi maj\u00ed dopad na jejich z\u00e1kladn\u00ed parlamentn\u00ed pravomoci. Z\u0159\u00edzen\u00edm mezivl\u00e1dn\u00edch smluv mimo pr\u00e1vn\u00ed r\u00e1mec EU do\u0161lo k oslaben\u00ed participa\u010dn\u00edho pr\u00e1va parlament\u016f a oslaben\u00ed jejich kontroln\u00ed funkce. P\u0159esto\u017ee Lisabonsk\u00e1 smlouva pos\u00edlila roli EP i n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f, v\u00a0d\u016fsledku reformy fisk\u00e1ln\u00ed a ekonomick\u00e9 architektury vl\u00e1dnut\u00ed, EU tyto sv\u011b\u0159en\u00e9 pravomoci oslabuje.<\/p>\n

Z\u00e1rove\u0148 v\u0161ak ekonomick\u00e1 krize p\u0159isp\u011bla k\u00a0pozitivn\u00edmu trendu v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed politizace t\u00e9mat spojen\u00fdch s\u00a0EU. Dokladem v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed europeizace \u010dlensk\u00fdch st\u00e1t\u016f je jednak pos\u00edlen\u00ed identifikace ob\u010dan\u016f s\u00a0EU, ale tak\u00e9 skute\u010dnost, \u017ee opat\u0159en\u00ed p\u0159ijat\u00e1 p\u0159i \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed krize m\u011bla v\u00fdznamn\u00fd vliv na jednotliv\u00e9 stranick\u00e9 politiky a na rozhodov\u00e1n\u00ed evropsk\u00fdch ob\u010dan\u016f p\u0159i volb\u00e1ch do n\u00e1rodn\u00edch parlament\u016f. A\u010dkoliv volby do EP pova\u017euj\u00ed voli\u010di i nad\u00e1le za volby druh\u00e9 \u0159\u00e1du, vzhledem k\u00a0syst\u00e9mu Spitzenkandidaten a jeho vlivu na zvolen\u00ed nov\u00e9ho p\u0159edsedy EK, je z\u0159ejm\u00e9, \u017ee jejich relevance roste.<\/p>\n

\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Franti\u0161ek Mudro\u0148ka<\/a> p\u016fsob\u00ed v Analytick\u00e9 t\u00fdmu thinku-tanku Evropsk\u00e9 hodnoty<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Ad\u00e9la H\u00e1jkov\u00e1<\/a> p\u016fsob\u00ed v Analytick\u00e9m t\u00fdmu thinku-tanku Evropsk\u00e9 hodnoty<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Tereza Nov\u00e1kov\u00e1<\/a> je spolupracovnice Analytick\u00e9ho t\u00fdmu think-tanku Evropsk\u00e9 hodnoty<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Jan Kov\u00e1\u0159<\/a> je hlavn\u00edm analytikem think-tanku Evropsk\u00e9 hodnoty<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Problematika demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu EU nen\u00ed nov\u00fd fenom\u00e9n, kter\u00fd by se objevil teprve v\u00a0souvislosti se vznikem ekonomick\u00e9 krize. Jak ekonomick\u00e1 krize zm\u011bnila na\u0161e vn\u00edm\u00e1n\u00ed problematiky demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu EU? Do\u0161lo k\u00a0zhor\u0161en\u00ed p\u0159edchoz\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 legitimity, nebo naopak ekonomick\u00e1 krize p\u0159isp\u011bla k\u00a0p\u0159ehodnocen\u00ed demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu?<\/p>","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":15647,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[461],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3045","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-press-releases"],"yoast_head":"\nDemokratick\u00fd deficit v EU v \u010dasech ekonomick\u00e9 krize - European Values Center for Security Policy<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/europeanvalues.cz\/cs\/demokraticky-deficit-v-eu-v-casech-ekonomicke-krize\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"cs_CZ\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Demokratick\u00fd deficit v EU v \u010dasech ekonomick\u00e9 krize - European Values Center for Security Policy\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Problematika demokratick\u00e9ho deficitu EU nen\u00ed nov\u00fd fenom\u00e9n, kter\u00fd by se objevil teprve v\u00a0souvislosti se vznikem ekonomick\u00e9 krize. 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